The US Has Been Violating MoU With Iran From Day One

The fragile ceasefire between Iran and the United States has been broken once again. The United States has been bombing Iran, claiming that its attacks are in retaliation for Iran attacking three vessels near Straight of Hormuz, which it considers as violation of the Islamabad agreement, officially known as the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the two nations.

But it is in fact the United States that has been violating the MoU because its interpretation of Article 5 of the MoU is simply false. According to Article 5 of the MoU, Iran is obligated to

“Make arrangements using its best efforts for the safe passage of commercial vessels with no charge for 60 days only from the Persian Gulf to the Sea of Oman, and vice versa. The traffic of commercial vessels will immediately start, and considering the need for removing the technical and military obstacles and de-mining by the Islamic Republic of Iran, will be instated within 30 days. The Islamic Republic of Iran will conduct dialogue with the Sultanate of Oman to define the future administration and maritime services in the Strait of Hormuz, in discussion with other Persian Gulf littoral states, in line with the applicable international law and the sovereign rights of coastal states of the Strait of Hormuz.”

The statement is unambiguous, and cannot be interpreted in any way other than Iran, in collaboration with Oman, is the party responsible for navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. It also clearly distinguishes a temporary arrangement for 60 days, and the long-term traffic regime in the Strait. Therefore, any vessel passing through the Strait must coordinate it with Iran, as well as Oman.

But this is not what the United States has been doing. In an effort to test Iran’s resolve for its control of the Strait, and to weaken it, Arab States of the Persian Gulf and  others, with direct support of the United States, dispatched several commercial vessels to pass through Oman’s territorial water without any coordination with, or even informing, Iran. They had even turned off their Automatic Identification System (AIS) transponders to evade Iran. This is in clear violation of Article 5, which Iran will not accept. Indeed, no self-respecting nation will.

This view is fully supported by Article 4 of the MoU:

“Immediately upon the signing this MoU, the United States of America will begin the removal of its naval blockade and any disturbances or impediments against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and will fully end the naval blockade within 30 days. During this period, the traffic of vessels will be in proportion to the numbers of pre-war traffic being restored by the Islamic Republic of Iran. The United States of America further undertakes to remove its forces from the proximity of the Islamic Republic of Iran within 30 days after the final deal.”

In other words, it is Iran that should restore the vessel traffic through the Strait to its pre-war level. Thus, once again, no vessel can pass through the Strait, unless it is coordinated with Iran, at least as one of the two parties specified by Article 5.

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U.S. Launches New Strikes on Iran After Trump Says Ceasefire Is ‘Over’

U.S. forces launched a new round of strikes against Iranian military targets Wednesday after President Donald Trump declared the U.S.-brokered ceasefire with Tehran was “over,” escalating Washington’s military response to Iran’s attacks on commercial shipping in the Strait of Hormuz.

The operation marked the second consecutive day of U.S. strikes after Iran fired on three commercial vessels transiting the strategic waterway, prompting Washington to accuse Tehran of violating the memorandum of understanding reached last month and to resume military action.

U.S. officials said Wednesday’s operation was broader than Tuesday night’s strikes and targeted additional military infrastructure supporting Iran’s operations in and around the strait.

“At the direction of the Commander in Chief, U.S. Central Command forces have started conducting additional strikes against Iran to further degrade their ability to threaten freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz,” U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) said in a statement.

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New Strikes On Iran Significantly Stronger Than Earlier Attacks, As IRGC Targets US Navy Warships

‘Four to Five Times Larger’ Than Earlier Strikes

US officials are vowing bigger, more sustained and prolonged strikes against Iran tonight, according to the latest being reported in CNN and Axios:

The U.S. has launched a significantly expanded wave of airstrikes on Iran that is four to five times larger than the strikes carried out 10 days ago, a U.S. official told Axios. The official said the operation is expected to continue for hours.

Iran state media is meanwhile reporting on an initial retaliation by its forces (though not initially confirmed in other international sources):

Iran fires several anti-ship missiles and drones towards US Navy warships in the Sea of Oman, Fars reports 

More from state media on what could be mounting civilian casualties:

The state broadcaster reports that “most of the attacks” by the US in southern Iran have “targeted civilian areas”. This comes as the US claims its military hit Iranian missile and defence systems in its latest attacks.

Iran’s president is hastily traveling back to the Islamic Republic, cutting short funeral observances for Khamenei among Shia communities in Iraq:

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian has left the Iraqi city of Najaf to return to Tehran, according to the IRIB broadcaster, following the US’s latest strikes.

Pezeshkian had been in Iraq to attend funeral rites for Khamenei, whose body had arrived in Najaf on Tuesday night. According to Press TV, Pezeshkian had also planned to hold high-level talks with Iraqi government officials.

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The Resilience Paradox: How Military Strikes Are Bolstering Iran’s Cohesion

Wars are seldom judged fairly in the immediate aftermath. Generals and analysts often focus on tallies of destroyed sites, intercepted projectiles, and tactical wins. Yet the deeper political fallout usually surfaces later – and it has a habit of defying the expectations of those who started the fight. History offers plenty of examples where short-term military victories sowed the seeds of longer-term strategic setbacks. This reality merits close attention when evaluating the recent U.S.-Israeli strikes against Iran.

The central issue may not be simply how much Iranian military hardware was damaged. More important is whether the conflict has reshaped Iran’s internal politics in ways that run counter to what Washington and its partners hoped. If the goal of prolonged sanctions, isolation, and military action was to erode the Islamic Republic’s governing strength, the picture that’s emerging looks more nuanced than many anticipated.

Consider the massive funeral ceremonies held after the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Interpreting public turnout at state events always requires caution: people attend for a mix of reasons – religious duty, nationalist sentiment, genuine sorrow, official pressure, or simple curiosity. No single gathering can definitively gauge a regime’s legitimacy. Still, from the standpoint of institutional staying power, the state showed it could orchestrate large-scale, nationwide events and project an image of continuity rather than collapse during one of its most vulnerable leadership transitions.

This doesn’t mean Iran’s deep-seated problems have vanished. The country still grapples with serious economic hardships, social fractures, and political rifts. But these challenges exist alongside a pattern often overlooked in Western commentary: external threats frequently foster greater national cohesion, at least in the short term, before any weakening sets in.

Political scientists call this the “rally around the flag” effect. When facing foreign pressure, citizens often prioritize national sovereignty over internal grievances. This dynamic has played out in diverse systems. After the 9/11 attacks, American support for the government surged despite deep partisan divides. Britain showed similar unity during World War II. Other nations have experienced the same temporary closing of ranks in the face of external danger. Whether Iran is undergoing exactly this process is debatable, but it’s a possibility worth examining seriously rather than brushing aside.

For roughly two decades, U.S. policy toward Iran rested on a fairly steady premise: that economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation, covert operations, and targeted military force would raise the price for Tehran enough to force major behavioral shifts or even systemic change. Administrations differed in emphasis, but the underlying logic stayed consistent.

The latest confrontation calls for a fresh look at that approach. There’s no denying that the military campaign inflicted real costs on Iran. Yet political results can’t be reduced to lists of damaged facilities. A strategy meant to undermine state authority can sometimes bolster it when outside pressure heightens institutional unity and ties citizens more closely to the idea of national defense. The link between external coercion and internal political evolution has never been straightforward. In some situations, it fuels domestic discontent; in others, it narrows room for internal dissent by focusing attention on external threats.

This matters because military achievements and political achievements are not always aligned. That said, it would be a mistake to assume that crisis-driven unity automatically equals lasting legitimacy. Short-term solidarity in an emergency rarely erases underlying economic woes or longstanding grievances. Societies that pull together during crises often resume their internal debates once the immediate danger passes. Any realistic view of Iran’s path forward must hold both truths at once: external pressure may enhance near-term resilience without locking in the country’s longer-term political direction.

This duality carries real weight for regional strategy. Whatever one’s view of the Islamic Republic, Iran remains a major player in the Middle East. Its size, geography, military assets, energy reserves, and location mean it will keep shaping security dynamics from the Gulf to the Caucasus and Central Asia. Few big regional issues can be tackled without factoring in Tehran’s role.

This is simply a statement of geopolitical reality, not an endorsement of Iranian policies. History shows that governments routinely engage with adversaries precisely because those adversaries matter strategically – not because ideological gaps have closed. The U.S. negotiated arms control with the Soviet Union during the Cold War while remaining rivals. Nixon’s opening to China in the 1970s was driven by shifting power realities, not shared values. Similar pragmatism appeared later with Vietnam and others.

These examples point to a key principle: sound grand strategy starts with a clear-eyed reading of the world as it is, not as one wishes it to be. Applied to today’s Middle East, if military pressure has – even temporarily – bolstered aspects of Iranian state cohesion, then strategists may need to rethink how force interacts with domestic politics. This doesn’t mean scrapping deterrence or ignoring fundamental differences. It does suggest that military tools by themselves may not deliver the political transformation some expect.

A smarter approach would combine robust deterrence with active diplomacy, careful crisis management, and open communication channels. Reducing escalation risks and avoiding miscalculations are valuable goals in their own right. Confidence-building steps, targeted talks, and broader regional security forums aren’t cure-alls, but they can usefully support – not replace – traditional deterrence.

In the end, the recent conflict drives home a lesson that goes far beyond Iran. Military action can alter political incentives in surprising ways. Regimes that look fragile beforehand sometimes come out with stronger institutional glue, while battlefield wins don’t always add up to strategic success. Whether this holds in Iran long-term is still unclear, and firm judgments would be premature. But the possibility alone deserves rigorous analysis.

For decision-makers, the real task isn’t just assessing the military scorecard. It’s grasping the political ripples that military moves create over time. If nothing else, recent events show that the connection between outside pressure and internal change is far more intricate than straightforward coercion theories suggest. Acknowledging that complexity isn’t advocacy for any specific policy. It’s a call for handling one of the most critical geopolitical rivalries with more intellectual humility and a sharper awareness of war’s often unintended, lingering consequences.

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Let’s Leave the Strait of Hormuz Alone

President Trump was reportedly “shocked” to see many thousands of Iranians in the street mourning at the funeral of the country’s late leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, over the weekend. Khamenei was assassinated by the United States at the beginning of the February US surprise attack on Iran.

The US attack on Iran was sold to Trump by Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and US neocons as an easy “cake walk” that would lead the Iranian government to fall and be replaced with a US-friendly regime.

“I thought they hated him,” Trump said of the murdered religious leader of Iran.

Not only did the Iranian people not rise up to replace their leadership with one friendly to Washington, but the society seems to have become even more cohesive and patriotic. This should surprise no one, as when similar tragedies occurred in the United States – assassinations, 9/11, etc – we also as a society came closer together.

In Soccer when you kick the ball into your own goal, it is referred to as an “own-goal.” That is what President Trump achieved with his attack on Iran on February 28th. In fact, it was not just one “own-goal,” but a series of them. The blunder will likely go down in American history as one of the worst foreign policy moves in our history.

The Iranians did not rise up and declare support for the US. American military bases throughout the region are so severely damaged by Iranian retaliation that most cannot be brought back online. Scores of US military equipment has been destroyed or damaged at a cost of tens of billions of dollars. Countries in the region are rethinking their decision to essentially become protectorates of the United States now that it is demonstrated that they cannot be protected by the United States. American military power suddenly looks less powerful.

But perhaps the most destructive “own-goal” of the US attack is the Iranian decision to establish control over the Strait of Hormuz. Even in the US/Israeli attacks of last June, the Strait was kept open by Iran. It is a vital trade route and in everyone’s best interest to keep open for business.

The February attack and Iran’s strong regional response led the country to embrace what some have called a de facto nuclear weapon: control of the Strait. Explaining why he signed the memorandum of understanding with Iran last month, President Trump mentioned the damage being done to the US economy by the closure of the Strait and the possibility that matters may even get worse without the agreement. The US economy desperately needed the Strait to be open.

Now, however, progress toward peace with Iran continues to be thwarted by the stubborn insistence on the US side that the Strait of Hormuz must not be controlled by Iran and that a fee system for passage through the Strait cannot be instituted by Iran and Oman. Several skirmishes have already taken place in the area, threatening to take the US back to war.

It is in the best interest of the United States to abandon claims on Hormuz – which is thousands of miles away – and live with the consequences of Trump’s mistake. Another war cannot win what two previous wars have lost. Let Iran control the Strait and let international trade and commerce be re-established. Let’s leave the Strait alone!

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Former Elizabeth Warren Volunteer Attends Ayatollah Khamenei’s Funeral, Says He Was the “Greatest Anti-Imperialist Leader During My Lifetime” in Iranian State Media Interview

A former Democrat activist and Elizabeth Warren Presidential campaign volunteer attended the funeral of the late Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and participated in propaganda interviews, wearing a hijab and traditional Muslim garb. 

Calla Walsh, in a documentary-style interview with Iranian state media, described herself as “a journalist, originally from the United States.” She told the propaganda outlet, “The US and Israel were mistaken in thinking that by assassinating the leader that they could overthrow the Islamic Republic. In fact, this aggressive move, this audacious move, has actually only had the opposite effect, and that the people are more determined than ever in favor of the revolution, in defending the Islamic Republic, in defending Iran’s sovereignty, and there is still continuity in the leadership of the revolution.

“he was a leader to all people of the world who struggle against imperialism, against arrogance, against Zionism, against genocide,” she said. “To me, he was the greatest anti-imperialist leader to have lived during my lifetime.”

As The Gateway Pundit reported, Iran began a weeklong funeral last weekend for Khamenei, months after an airstrike killed him at the start of the U.S.-Israeli war against the country.

Walsh, a 22-year-old social justice warrior-turned defector, started out as a youth leader in Massachusetts Senator Ed Markey’s 2020 reelection, volunteering with Senator Elizabeth Warren’s 2020 Presidential campaign, and championing progressive causes. Now, the former rising star in the Democratic Party is on a US government watchlist “for her expansive dealings with the governments of Cuba and Iran,” the Free Press reports.

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Houthis Say Forces ‘Repelled’ Saudi Warplanes From Threatening Iranian Civilian Airliner

Yemen’s Houthis announced Friday that they had “repelled” an attempt by Saudi warplanes to prevent an Iranian civilian aircraft from landing at Sanaa airport.

Yemeni Armed Forces (YAF) spokesman Brigadier General Yahya Saree said that Saudi warplanes violating Yemeni airspace were targeted with several air-defense missiles, forcing them to withdraw.

Saree stressed that the Iranian civilian aircraft was carrying more than 200 Yemeni citizens who had been stranded in Iran, including many who were sick or wounded.

“We warn the criminal Saudi enemy against repeating any attempt to violate our airspace or any aggression targeting our country. Such actions will be met with a comprehensive response targeting its airports and vital interests on land and sea,” Saree said in a video statement.

The YAF spokesman further stressed that “our hand is on the trigger” to implement any directives issued by Ansarallah leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi “within the framework of breaking the Saudi-American siege on our people and expelling the occupiers.”

Saree also praised Iran’s role in “breaking the siege” on Yemen by operating flights to transport patients and stranded people and to alleviate humanitarian suffering in Yemen.

After landing in Sanaa, the Iranian plane safely returned to Tehran carrying an official delegation of the Republic of Yemen to participate in the funeral of slain Iranian supreme leader Ali Khamenei.

Since 2015, Saudi Arabia has imposed a blockade on Yemen’s land, sea, and air ports, severely restricting vital commercial and humanitarian imports, including fuel and food.

The blockade triggered what the UN called one of the most severe humanitarian crises globally, leading millions towards famine and drastically damaging healthcare and water systems.

The Saudi siege on Yemen was partially lifted following April 2023 negotiations with the Ansarallah resistance movement, which leads the YAF and is closely allied with Iran.

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US Believed Israel Tried To Assassinate Iran’s Top Negotiators As Ghalibaf’s Plane Made Emergency Landing

The New York Times has issued a new report citing unnamed US officials who believe that Israel came close to assassinating Iran’s top negotiators Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi.

According to the report, a concrete Israeli threat against Ghalibaf and the FM emerged while they were traveling back to Iran from Islamabad following talks with US Vice President JD Vance on April 12.

Prior to that point, during active fighting, Israel had worked its way through killing much of Iran’s senior leadership starting with Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, but questions lingered over whether the country’s top negotiators – who have come to represent Tehran on the global stage – could be deemed legitimate targets.

Even as Washington and regional brokers stepped in to try and halt the prospect of runaway conflict, wherein the US would find itself in yet another ‘forever war’ and quagmire, Israel still floated the potential for more assassinations targeting top Islamic Republic leadership. 

The NYT, citing officials, sets up the mid-April near-miss incident as follows:

In April, Mr. Ghalibaf was set to travel to Islamabad to meet with Vice President JD Vance. But Iranian security officials were concerned that Israel would use the opportunity to assassinate Mr. Ghalibaf or Mr. Araghchi to derail the talks, the officials said.

Iranians sought guarantees from the United States, through Pakistani and Qatari intermediaries, that Israel would not carry out any covert operations targeting the Iranian delegation, the officials said.

Pakistani fighter jets escorted the Iranian airplanes carrying a delegation of more than 70 Iranians from the border of Iran to Islamabad and back again when the session was over.

But on the way back to Tehran, an Israeli security threat emerged.

From there, Iranian security forces reportedly notified Ghalibaf’s plane of intelligence indicating that Israel planned to attack the aircraft – and the delegation took the warning seriously enough to divert from the original flight path and make an emergency landing in Mashhad, northeastern Iran.

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Why Iran Believes Israel Will Attack Again Before October

Will Israel restart the war with Iran before the October elections? This is the consensus view emerging within Iran’s internal national security debate over the past week.

Several factors are driving Tehran to this conclusion. Beyond its deep – and not entirely unwarranted – suspicion of President Donald Trump’s intentions, heightened by Vice President JD Vance’s recent remark that Trump wants to use the MOU to replenish global oil reserves and then “see where the hand is,” two developments stand out: the recent Israeli-Lebanese agreement and its impact on Hezbollah’s military posture over the coming months.

From Tehran’s perspective, the agreement hands Israel a significant advantage in any renewed war with Iran – one it lacked in February. By allowing Israeli forces to remain in parts of southern Lebanon, the deal appears to contravene the MOU while fundamentally reshaping the military balance. Israel’s continued presence in these strategic positions would make it far more difficult for Hezbollah to mount the kind of offensive operations that proved critical during the previous round of fighting.

That matters because, in February and March, the Iranians say they used only about 40 percent of their offensive capabilities against Israel, because Hezbollah carried much of the remaining burden. At the time, pundits in the West were debating why Tehran hit the UAE harder than it did Israel.

Part of it was because of Israel’s much higher pain tolerance compared to the GCC states. Tehran was aiming to reach the most accessible pain threshold to pressure the US to end the war. But part of it was the critical role Hezbollah played in the war, contrary to much of the press coverage at the time. It played a critical role in stretching Israel’s defenses, complicating its targeting decisions, and forcing it to divide resources across multiple fronts.

That role, however, was poorly understood because Israel imposed near-total military censorship during the war – far stricter than the censorship regime in June 2025 – which sharply limited public visibility into Hezbollah’s operations and their impact. As a result, the degree to which Hezbollah shaped the course of the war has been significantly underestimated.

Unlike the MOU, the current Israeli-Lebanese agreement does not require Israel to withdraw from Lebanese territory until Hezbollah has been disarmed. Since that outcome is highly unlikely in the foreseeable future, Israel is poised to retain its positions inside Lebanon, enabling it to renew the war with Iran without facing the same pressure from its northern front that constrained it during the previous conflict.

Netanyahu’s motivations are clear. Beyond his long-standing desire to use American force to subjugate Iran to Israeli domination and achieve a regional balance favorable to Israel, he now also has stark political and personal reasons to restart the war.

The MOU has come at a steep political cost for Netanyahu. His prospects for reelection in October are weaker than they have been in months. Once seen as the Israeli leader uniquely capable of delivering President Trump, he now confronts the prospect that both the war and the ensuing diplomacy will leave Israel in a strategically weaker position – undermining the very case he has made for his leadership.

And of course, if he loses the elections, he will likely spend the next few years in jail, as he will lose his immunity as Prime Minister and face trial over corruption charges.

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Israeli authorities arrest 20-year-old American citizen in Jerusalem on suspicion of conducting espionage missions for Iranian intelligence

In a major joint counterintelligence operation, the Israel Police and the Shin Bet security agency announced the arrest of a 20-year-old American citizen residing in the Jerusalem area on suspicion of conducting espionage missions for Iranian intelligence.

The suspect, whose identity remains withheld under court-authorized restrictions, was taken into custody following critical intelligence provided by a number of undisclosed security agencies.

A prosecutor’s statement was formally filed in court, a mandatory legal precursor signaling that a formal indictment and a request to hold the individual without bail until the conclusion of legal proceedings will be submitted.

According to security officials, the investigation revealed that the suspect had been actively maintaining contact with operatives acting on behalf of Iranian intelligence agencies over the course of several months.

During this period, the American reportedly accepted and executed numerous assignments that primarily involved documenting and photographing sensitive strategic sites across Israel. In exchange for the surveillance data and media, the suspect allegedly received financial compensation “ranging from dozens to hundreds of U.S. dollars per completed task.”

The arrest comes amid a sharp spike in Iranian-directed espionage operations inside Israel, which have increasingly relied on recruiting local residents and foreign nationals through digital platforms.

Chief Inspector Amichai Panta, an investigations officer with the Jerusalem District’s Major Crimes Unit, emphasized the gravity of the case, noting that multiple espionage operations have been dismantled recently, with some suspects operating directly during active wartime to aid hostile foreign plots.

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