Tag: perpetual war

U.S. forces launched a new round of strikes against Iranian military targets Wednesday after President Donald Trump declared the U.S.-brokered ceasefire with Tehran was “over,” escalating Washington’s military response to Iran’s attacks on commercial shipping in the Strait of Hormuz.

The operation marked the second consecutive day of U.S. strikes after Iran fired on three commercial vessels transiting the strategic waterway, prompting Washington to accuse Tehran of violating the memorandum of understanding reached last month and to resume military action.

U.S. officials said Wednesday’s operation was broader than Tuesday night’s strikes and targeted additional military infrastructure supporting Iran’s operations in and around the strait.

“At the direction of the Commander in Chief, U.S. Central Command forces have started conducting additional strikes against Iran to further degrade their ability to threaten freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz,” U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) said in a statement.

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Wars are seldom judged fairly in the immediate aftermath. Generals and analysts often focus on tallies of destroyed sites, intercepted projectiles, and tactical wins. Yet the deeper political fallout usually surfaces later – and it has a habit of defying the expectations of those who started the fight. History offers plenty of examples where short-term military victories sowed the seeds of longer-term strategic setbacks. This reality merits close attention when evaluating the recent U.S.-Israeli strikes against Iran.

The central issue may not be simply how much Iranian military hardware was damaged. More important is whether the conflict has reshaped Iran’s internal politics in ways that run counter to what Washington and its partners hoped. If the goal of prolonged sanctions, isolation, and military action was to erode the Islamic Republic’s governing strength, the picture that’s emerging looks more nuanced than many anticipated.

Consider the massive funeral ceremonies held after the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Interpreting public turnout at state events always requires caution: people attend for a mix of reasons – religious duty, nationalist sentiment, genuine sorrow, official pressure, or simple curiosity. No single gathering can definitively gauge a regime’s legitimacy. Still, from the standpoint of institutional staying power, the state showed it could orchestrate large-scale, nationwide events and project an image of continuity rather than collapse during one of its most vulnerable leadership transitions.

This doesn’t mean Iran’s deep-seated problems have vanished. The country still grapples with serious economic hardships, social fractures, and political rifts. But these challenges exist alongside a pattern often overlooked in Western commentary: external threats frequently foster greater national cohesion, at least in the short term, before any weakening sets in.

Political scientists call this the “rally around the flag” effect. When facing foreign pressure, citizens often prioritize national sovereignty over internal grievances. This dynamic has played out in diverse systems. After the 9/11 attacks, American support for the government surged despite deep partisan divides. Britain showed similar unity during World War II. Other nations have experienced the same temporary closing of ranks in the face of external danger. Whether Iran is undergoing exactly this process is debatable, but it’s a possibility worth examining seriously rather than brushing aside.

For roughly two decades, U.S. policy toward Iran rested on a fairly steady premise: that economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation, covert operations, and targeted military force would raise the price for Tehran enough to force major behavioral shifts or even systemic change. Administrations differed in emphasis, but the underlying logic stayed consistent.

The latest confrontation calls for a fresh look at that approach. There’s no denying that the military campaign inflicted real costs on Iran. Yet political results can’t be reduced to lists of damaged facilities. A strategy meant to undermine state authority can sometimes bolster it when outside pressure heightens institutional unity and ties citizens more closely to the idea of national defense. The link between external coercion and internal political evolution has never been straightforward. In some situations, it fuels domestic discontent; in others, it narrows room for internal dissent by focusing attention on external threats.

This matters because military achievements and political achievements are not always aligned. That said, it would be a mistake to assume that crisis-driven unity automatically equals lasting legitimacy. Short-term solidarity in an emergency rarely erases underlying economic woes or longstanding grievances. Societies that pull together during crises often resume their internal debates once the immediate danger passes. Any realistic view of Iran’s path forward must hold both truths at once: external pressure may enhance near-term resilience without locking in the country’s longer-term political direction.

This duality carries real weight for regional strategy. Whatever one’s view of the Islamic Republic, Iran remains a major player in the Middle East. Its size, geography, military assets, energy reserves, and location mean it will keep shaping security dynamics from the Gulf to the Caucasus and Central Asia. Few big regional issues can be tackled without factoring in Tehran’s role.

This is simply a statement of geopolitical reality, not an endorsement of Iranian policies. History shows that governments routinely engage with adversaries precisely because those adversaries matter strategically – not because ideological gaps have closed. The U.S. negotiated arms control with the Soviet Union during the Cold War while remaining rivals. Nixon’s opening to China in the 1970s was driven by shifting power realities, not shared values. Similar pragmatism appeared later with Vietnam and others.

These examples point to a key principle: sound grand strategy starts with a clear-eyed reading of the world as it is, not as one wishes it to be. Applied to today’s Middle East, if military pressure has – even temporarily – bolstered aspects of Iranian state cohesion, then strategists may need to rethink how force interacts with domestic politics. This doesn’t mean scrapping deterrence or ignoring fundamental differences. It does suggest that military tools by themselves may not deliver the political transformation some expect.

A smarter approach would combine robust deterrence with active diplomacy, careful crisis management, and open communication channels. Reducing escalation risks and avoiding miscalculations are valuable goals in their own right. Confidence-building steps, targeted talks, and broader regional security forums aren’t cure-alls, but they can usefully support – not replace – traditional deterrence.

In the end, the recent conflict drives home a lesson that goes far beyond Iran. Military action can alter political incentives in surprising ways. Regimes that look fragile beforehand sometimes come out with stronger institutional glue, while battlefield wins don’t always add up to strategic success. Whether this holds in Iran long-term is still unclear, and firm judgments would be premature. But the possibility alone deserves rigorous analysis.

For decision-makers, the real task isn’t just assessing the military scorecard. It’s grasping the political ripples that military moves create over time. If nothing else, recent events show that the connection between outside pressure and internal change is far more intricate than straightforward coercion theories suggest. Acknowledging that complexity isn’t advocacy for any specific policy. It’s a call for handling one of the most critical geopolitical rivalries with more intellectual humility and a sharper awareness of war’s often unintended, lingering consequences.

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