Top Trump official calls US airstrikes on Iran ‘pointless,’ suggests ‘deep state’ swayed prez

A top staffer in the federal agency overseeing personnel for the Trump administration has denounced the US strikes on Iran as “pointless” and suggested the decision was made by members of DC’s “deep state.”

Andrew Kloster, who serves as general counsel at the Office of Personnel Management, tweeted — and then deleted — a string of posts ripping the US for having sent “handouts” to Israel in the past and for previously downplaying the threat of Tehran getting a nuclear weapon.

Within a half-hour of President Trump announcing successful US airstrikes on Iranian nuclear facilities Saturday night, Kloster wrote on X, “I apologize and will never again doubt the power of the deep state.”

In a response to an X user saying that “Iran’s nuclear sites being crushed seems a long-term benefit for the US,” Kloster wrote, “I think it was just kind of pointless.”

He also boosted a post from Vish Burra, disgraced former New York Rep. George Santos’ ex-director of operations, that referred to Israel’s conflict with Iran as a “tribal squabble” after Tehran broke a cease-fire Trump secured Monday night.

The posts — still visible as of Tuesday morning — have since been deleted.

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How Trump’s Weakness Betrayed America’s Interests in Iran

In mid-February 1945, a dying Franklin Roosevelt, on his way home from his final meetings with Stalin and Churchill at Yalta, met with Saudi King Ibn Saud on the deck of the USS Quincy on the Great Bitter Lake in Egypt.

An account of the conversation from the Office of the Historian of the US State Department reads, in part:

His Majesty called attention to the increasing threat to the existence of the Arabs and the crisis which has resulted from continued Jewish immigration and the purchase of land by the Jews. His Majesty further stated that the Arabs would choose to die rather than yield their lands to the Jews.

His Majesty stated that the hope of the Arabs is based upon the word of honor of the Allies and upon the well-known love of justice of the United States, and upon the expectation that the United States will support them.

The President replied that he wished to assure His Majesty that he would do nothing to assist the Jews against the Arabs and would make no move hostile to the Arab people. He reminded His Majesty that it is impossible to prevent speeches and resolutions in Congress or in the press which may be made on any subject.

His reassurance concerned his own future policy as Chief Executive of the United States Government. His Majesty thanked the President for his statement and mentioned the proposal to send an Arab mission to America and England to expound the case of the Arabs and Palestine. The President stated that he thought this was a very good idea because he thought many people in America and England are misinformed.

What Saud was saying, in other words, was: Why should Arabs have to pay the price for Germany’s crimes? Yet even then, the longest-serving president in our history recognized that when it comes to the politics of the Levant, the Lobby rules.

In the 75 years since its founding, Israel has repeatedly undermined the United States and has murdered numerous American civilians as well as 34 members of the crew of the USS Liberty. Still more, Israel poses a unique, continuing and dangerous counterintelligence threat. It acts with impunity because Congress is bought and paid for by money funneled to it from its domestic lobby, AIPAC. It treats US presidents like doormats. Bill Clinton famously asked after his first meeting with Netanyahu in 1996, “Who the fuck does he think he is? Who’s the fucking superpower here?”

Good question.

Americans are increasingly asking themselves with regard to Israel: At what point does it become enough?

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Map Shows Where 250 Million Acres of Public Land is Being Sold Off

The largest single sale of national public land in modern history could be carried out as part of President Donald Trump‘s budget bill to help pay for his sweeping tax cuts.

However, a professor who is an expert on climate policy questioned the efficacy of the proposals, telling Newsweek that “selling off public lands will not reduce federal spending to any significant degree.”

Newsweek has contacted the Bureau of Land Management and the U.S. Forest Service via email for comment.

Why It Matters

The Senate committee said that a lot of the land owned by BLM and USFS cannot be used for housing, and so by opening up portions of federal land for large-scale housing construction, they intend to solve the “housing crisis.”

However, the nonprofit land conversation organization The Wilderness Society argued the opposite—that research suggests “very little of the land managed by the BLM and USFS is actually suitable for housing.”

It warned that much of the public land eligible for sale in the bill include “local recreation areas, wilderness study areas, inventoried roadless areas, critical wildlife habitat and big game migration corridors.”

The organization said the measure “trades ordinary Americans’ access to outdoor recreation for a short-term payoff that disproportionately benefits the privileged and well-connected.”

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The Constitution Won’t Save US From Trump’s War Idiocy

On June 21, US president Donald Trump ordered airstrikes on Iranian nuclear facilities. You may have heard. As I write this, we’re in the “boasting about how splendid it all is” phase of Trump’s cyclical foreign policy approach.

Phase One: Pretend to be “anti-war” and feverishly “negotiating” to avoid escalation of this or that long-term conflict.

Phase Two:  Escalate.

Phase Three: Brag about what a genius he is.

Phase Four: Backtrack and maybe whine a little when it blows up in his face – or, rather, in the faces of the troops he puts in harm’s way.

It remains to be seen whether we’ll get the usual Phase Four (a la the ignominious but long overdue US surrender in Afghanistan after his “surge,” the Iranian strikes on US bases in Iraq after his operation to murder Iranian general  Qasem Soleimani, etc.), or whether he’ll really screw the pooch and set the Middle East on fire this time when the Iranians retaliate.

In the meantime, let’s talk about the US Constitution.

This morning, I received an email from Defending Rights and Dissent, a pro-Constitution organization with a history stretching back to the era of McCarthyism.  Subject line: “Trump shreds the Constitution. Bombs Iran. TAKE ACTION.”

DRAD wants you to write “your” US Representative and US Senators, urging them to support a “War Powers Resolution” requiring Trump to stand down, on the clear and irrefutable constitutional claim that only Congress has the authority to declare war and that Trump’s actions are therefore illegal.

Okay, yeah, I did that.

But realistically, Congress isn’t any more likely to reassert its power over US war-making this time around than it did with Korea, Vietnam, Grenada, Panama, Iraq, Afghanistan, Syria, and numerous other belligerent actions/involvements.

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NYT Gave Green Light to Trump’s Iran Attack by Treating It as a Question of When

In the wake of the US-supported Israeli attack on Iran, and days before the direct US bombing that followed, the New York Times editorial board (6/18/25) argued that “America Must Not Rush Into a War Against Iran.”

This language was as shifty as it was deliberate. Rather than oppose a policy of unprovoked aggression and mass murder, the Times editorialists suggested such a campaign was happening too hastily, and it should be preceded by more debate.

The opinion writers at the most important paper in the world were fully in favor of attacking Iran; they only worried that Trump would go about it the wrong way. In fact, the Times’ justification for war was identical to that of the Trump administration’s explanation after the fact.  It laid it out in the first paragraph:

A nuclear-armed Iran would make the world less safe. It would destabilize the already volatile Middle East. It could imperil Israel’s existence. It would encourage other nations to acquire their own nuclear weapons, with far-reaching geopolitical consequences.

The New York Times‘ echo of the standard Israeli and US propaganda line offers an opportunity to critically examine this most recent justification for aggressive war.

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Trump Thanks Iran for Early Notice on Retaliatory Attack on US Base in Qatar

President Trump on Monday thanked Iran for giving the US notice of its plans to launch a retaliatory attack on the US’s Al Udeid base in Qatar, saying it prevented casualties.

Iran’s military launched the attack on the US base in response to the US bombing of three of its nuclear facilities. Trump called the Iranian retaliation “weak,” suggesting he’s not planning to respond.

“Iran has officially responded to our Obliteration of their Nuclear Facilities with a very weak response, which we expected, and have very effectively countered. There have been 14 missiles fired — 13 were knocked down, and 1 was ‘set free,’ because it was headed in a nonthreatening direction,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.

“I am pleased to report that NO Americans were harmed, and hardly any damage was done. Most importantly, they’ve gotten it all out of their ‘system,’ and there will, hopefully, be no further HATE. I want to thank Iran for giving us early notice, which made it possible for no lives to be lost, and nobody to be injured,” the president added.

Trump said that now Iran has the chance to “proceed to Peace and Harmony in the Region” and that he will “enthusiastically encourage Israel to do the same.”

In another post, Trump also noted that there were no Qatari casualties. “Regarding the attack today at the American Base in Qatar, I am pleased to report that, in addition to no Americans being killed or wounded, very importantly, there have also been no Qataris killed or wounded,” he said.

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Trump Never Has Been a Sincere Advocate of Realism and Restraint

Even before President Donald Trump ordered B-2 bombers to attack Iran’s nuclear sites and plunge the United States into another Middle East war, it should have been apparent that he has never been committed to a foreign policy of realism and restraint. Other actions during the initial weeks of his second term already had unsettled supporters who hoped that Trump would adopt a more sober, “America first” policy.  Enthusiastic backers believed his boast that he would promptly bring the war between Ukraine and Russia to an end.  Their broader underlying assumption was that the United States would no longer waste American lives and financial resources on armed ideological crusades around the world.

Trump’s subsequent waffling on the Ukraine-Russia conflict confirmed his lack of commitment to meaningful policy change that would take the United States out of the line of fire.  His knee-jerk support for Israel’s brutal treatment of Palestinians did the same for expectations regarding a new, more balanced perspective on that issue.  The president’s subsequent approval of U.S. support for Israel’s new war of aggression against Iran, along with his demand for Tehran’s “unconditional surrender,” should have eliminated any lingering doubt about his toxic hawkishness.

Expectations for a sensible, restrained foreign policy by a Trump administration were always naïve.  As I have pointed out in multiple articles over the years, Trump’s supposed commitment to a more realistic, cautious U.S. foreign policy was largely an illusion.  He fostered that illusion whenever it served his political interests, while his opponents played their own role in the political charade by insisting that Donald Trump was an evil “isolationist” who was infecting the Republican Party and thereby undermining America’s noble leadership role in the world.

His actual conduct differed little from the policies of his openly hawkish, global interventionist predecessors. During his first term, Washington’s already bloated military budget continued to grow without interruption.  Despite promising during the 2016 presidential campaign to end the futile and bloody U.S. intervention in Afghanistan, Trump did not even reach a peace accord with Taliban forces until the final year of his term.  Meaningful U.S. troop withdrawal did not take place until he had already left the White House.

Trump forged far closer U.S. military ties with Taiwan and embraced uncompromising policies toward the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on a wide range of economic, diplomatic, and security issues.  He showed not a hint of receptivity to being more cordial toward Beijing.

Perhaps the biggest gap between illusion and reality during Trump’s first term was the issue of policy toward Russia.  Trump’s political opponents created and circulated the smear that he was soft on Russia at best and an outright Russian agent at worst.  Once again, the president’s track record pointed to a totally different conclusion.  Even on the Ukraine issue, Trump’s stance toward Moscow was disturbingly conventional.  Indeed, in some ways it was more confrontational than the policy that Barack Obama pursued.  Under Trump’s leadership, the United States transferred sophisticated weapons to Kyiv, trained Ukrainian troops, and conducted joint military exercises with Ukrainian forces.  Obama had prudently declined to take any of those steps.

Beyond the Ukraine issue, Trump’s policies were openly hostile to an assortment of Russia’s high-priority interests and objectives. Moscow regarded the continuation of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty, concluded during Ronald Reagan’s administration, as extremely important for protecting crucial Russian security needs.  Trump withdrew the United States from that treaty.  A similar pattern occurred with respect to the Open Skies agreement, a longstanding, confidence-building measure that had been in effect since Reagan’s administration.  Trump’s dismissive treatment of arms control agreements that Russia considered essential directly contradicted the idea that he practiced appeasement toward the Kremlin.

Trump’s hostility toward both arms control and overall policies toward Iran also was evident during the president’s first term.  He scuttled the multilateral agreement that the major global powers had reached to limit Tehran’s nuclear program and assure that it remained peaceful.  As an additional provocation, the White House ordered the assassination of a top Iranian general, Qasem Soleimani, a killing carried out while he was on a diplomatic mission to Iraq, a supposed U.S ally.

Given Trump’s flagrant animosity toward the government in Tehran, it should not be surprising that he has chosen Iran to be an early target for militarily aggression in his second term.  He fully supports Israel’s new war of aggression against its Middle East neighbor and uncritically accepted Tel Aviv’s assertion that Iran was on the brink of building a nuclear arsenal.  Yet most experts, initially including Tulsi Gabbard, his own appointee as Director of National Intelligence, strongly disputed that allegation.

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White House doubles down on ‘regime change’ with call for Iranian people to rise up against the Ayatollah

The White House doubled down on ‘regime change’ with Iran amid concerns the Islamic republic could retaliate after America’s military strike, saying the Iranian people have the power to decide if they want to keep Ayatollah Ali Khamenei as their leader.

‘Why shouldn’t the Iranian people take away the power of this incredibly violent regime that has been suppressing them for decades,’ White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said on Fox & Friends on Monday morning.

Leavitt was echoing President Donald Trump‘s Truth Social post from Sunday, where he floated the possibility of ‘regime change.’

‘It’s not politically correct to use the term, ‘Regime Change’ but if the current Iranian Regime is unable to MAKE IRAN GREAT AGAIN, why wouldn’t there be a Regime change??? MIGA!!’ the president wrote. 

Leavitt said the president was ‘raising a good question that many people around the world are asking.’

‘The president believes the Iranian people can control their own destiny and what he said last night makes complete sense,’ she said. Leavitt also noted the president ‘is still interested’ in a ‘peaceful diplomatic solution.’

The double down comes after some administration officials tried to walk back any talk of regime change.

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I’ll Slug You, and If You Resist, I’ll Slug You Harder

U.S. messaging to Iran, courtesy of President Trump, is quite simple: We slugged you (with our bombing attacks on three nuclear sites in your country), and if you don’t like it, we’ll slug you again, even harder, much, much harder.

Iran’s only real choice: “unconditional surrender,” according to the president.

Well, it’s a strategy, I suppose, the one of the abuser, the bully. Do what I want, else you’ll get slugged. Try to fight back, I’ll slug you much much harder. Oh, by the way, I believe in peace. And you can have peace by totally capitulating to me.

Another way of looking at or labeling this stategy: Bombing for Bibi. Yes, I know it’s not just Bibi Netanyahu behind it all. But he’s the chief flatterer, the skilled string-puller, the master manipulator of Trump. Not that it’s entirely hard to manipulate a narcissist who’s driven by money and consumed by his own ego.

So, we have to look to Iran to show a measure of restraint, since the U.S. and Israel won’t. If Iran chooses to fight, especially to hit back at U.S. targets in the region, all bets are off as our country stumbles into what could become World War III.

As Jimmy Dore put it today, No matter who you vote for, you get John McCain. A warmonger. Someone proud to joke about bombing Iran – and crazy enough to do it. Does it really matter if the warmonger is named Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden – or Donald Trump?

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Letting Marijuana Users Have Guns Poses ‘A Clear Danger,’ Trump’s Solicitor General Tells Supreme Court

In a recent filing with the U.S. Supreme Court, the Trump-led Department of Justice (DOJ) is doubling down on arguments made under former President Joe Biden that users of illegal drugs—including marijuana—”pose a clear danger of misusing firearms.”

That risk, DOJ contends, justifies the longstanding federal prohibition on gun ownership by drug consumers—known as Section 922(g)(3)—despite the Constitution’s broad Second Amendment protections.

In a petition for review by the high court, U.S. Solicitor General D. John Sauer argues that despite recent appeals court decisions calling the constitutionality of the firearms ban into question, the restriction is nevertheless lawful.

“Section 922(g)(3) complies with the Second Amendment,” the government’s June 2 filing in the case, U.S. v. Hemani, says. “That provision targets a category of persons who pose a clear danger of misusing firearms: habitual users of unlawful drugs.”

Some lower courts have said the government’s blanket ban on gun and ammunition possession infringes on the Second Amendment—at least as applied to certain individual cases—because there’s no historical justification for such a broad restriction on an entire category of people.

But in the appeal petition in Hemani, Trump’s solicitor general said the ban is necessary and narrowly tailored enough to survive the legal challenge.

The federal statute “bars their possession of firearms only temporarily and leaves it within their power to lift the restriction at any time; anyone who stops habitually using illegal drugs can resume possessing firearms.”

Notably, while the government mentions “habitual” users of illegal drugs 40 times in its filing, that word does not itself appear in 922(g)(3). The language of the statute prohibits anyone “who is an unlawful user of or addicted to any controlled substance” from purchasing or possessing firearms or ammunition.

A reply brief from Hemani’s lawyers is due to the Supreme Court by July 21.

While DOJ is asking the high court to take up the Hemani case, at least two other, similar cases are waiting in the wings: U.S. v. Cooper and U.S. v. Baxter both of which also hinge on the constitutionality of 922(g)(3).

In Cooper, an Eighth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals panel dismissed a three-year prison sentence against a person convicted for possession of a firearm while being an active user of marijuana. Judges in that case ruled that government’s prohibition on gun ownership by drug users is justified only in certain circumstances—not always.

“Nothing in our tradition allows disarmament simply because [the defendant] belongs to a category of people, drug users, that Congress has categorically deemed dangerous,” their ruling said.

In Baxter, the Eighth Circuit ruled 922(g)(3) unconstitutional as applied to the facts in the case.

Judges in that case wrote that there were insufficient factual findings in the record “for this Court to review Baxter’s as-applied Second Amendment challenge.” Nevertheless, the they wrote, “We reverse the district court’s ruling on Baxter’s as-applied Second Amendment challenge and remand to the district court for further proceedings consistent with this opinion.”

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