Hypersonics, AI, Space Weapons, & Directed Energy: Lawmakers Release Defense Bill As Expiring Obamacare Subsidies Marinate On Back-Burner

With Congress in its second-to-last week in session for this year, lawmakers on the House Armed Services Committee released the final bill text of the 2026 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) Sunday night, which allocates a topline of roughly $8 billion over the $892.6 billion the Department of Defense had requested, and what the House version of the NDAA provided which stuck to the Pentagon’s request. 

The NDAA is the annual law passed by Congress that sets the budget, policies, and legal authorities for the U.S. military and national defense programs. It shapes everything from troop pay to weapons development and foreign military aid.

This year’s National Defense Authorization Act helps advance President Trump and Republicans’ Peace Through Strength Agenda by codifying 15 of President Trump’s executive orders, ending woke ideology at the Pentagon, securing the border, revitalizing the defense industrial base, and restoring the warrior ethos,” House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA) said in a Sunday statement. 

The $8B increase is a ‘compromise‘ – as the Senate tried to jack the budget up by $32 billion over the department’s request. According to Breaking Defense, Rep. Adam Smith, the ranking member of the House Armed Services Committee, noted that appropriators would have the last word on the final budget, but was optimistic that the $8 bullion figure was in the ballpark.

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U.S. Helicopters Used to Kill Civilians in Philippines, Locals Say

Black Hawk and ATAK helicopters swooped overhead and began firing into the mountains on an early February afternoon. Farmers tilling crops and tending their water buffalo ran for cover, taking shelter as the helicopters strafed the area. In a nearby town square, onlookers recorded with their phones, gasping as explosions ripped across the horizon. A Bell AH-1 Cobra attack helicopter later made rounds in the area, witnesses said, as soldiers sequestered farmers in shelters. They were kept from their farms for weeks as their harvest wilted and died.

It’s a scene that has become a monthly occurrence in the rural Philippines, beginning in early 2023 and continuing today. The military said it was pursuing rebels from the communist New People’s Army (NPA), a designated terrorist group active since 1969, when Jose Maria Sison founded the New People’s Army—a Maoist group waging an armed rebellion primarily based in rural areas. The military and NPA have been in conflict ever since, despite several rounds of failed peace talks, most recently in 2023.

But since 2023, the Philippine military has started using advanced attack helicopters and fighter jets supplied wholly, or in part, by the United States, in a rapid escalation of counterinsurgency operations that have tormented rural communities and led to numerous potential international humanitarian law violations that could trigger policies preventing U.S. military aid, according to dozens of witnesses and experts who spoke to Drop Site News.

Washington says it is arming its ally to defend against Chinese aggression, but the U.S.-manufactured helicopters have so far been used solely on domestic targets.

The NPA’s numbers have dwindled: the military says it has about 1,500 members, although the NPA claims to have far more. The counterinsurgency continues to act as a cover for military and government officials to quash local resistance to infrastructure projects, according to scores of allegations by local and international human rights groups.

Filipino state officials are frequently accused of “red-tagging,” or falsely labeling activists and political opponents as communist rebels. Several “red-tagged” activists have been killed in suspicious circumstances and with no investigations into their deaths, such as Zara Alvarez, a legal worker who was shot dead in a crowded public square in 2020. Others have been kidnapped, such as youth activists Jolina Castro and Jhed Tamano, who disappeared in 2023 before resurfacing and accusing the military of forcing them to falsely surrender as communist rebels.

In March, an FA-50 jet crashed in the country’s southern mountains on an apparent counterinsurgency mission, killing both pilots. Days earlier, Black Hawk helicopters strafed Indigenous communities in the central island of Mindoro, according to the Manila-based human rights group Karapatan.

Karapatan has recorded at least 22 aerial bombings in the rural Philippines since February 2, 2023. That’s when the then-Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin visited Manila and announced a milestone agreement for U.S. troops to use four additional military bases in the Philippines, strategically facing the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea.

On the same day, the Philippine military used helicopters purchased in U.S.-sanctioned arms transfers to launch airstrikes against insurgents in remote areas of northern Luzon, adjacent to three of the bases set to be used by the U.S. military, sending farmers in the rural municipality of Baggao fleeing from their fields.

The farmers ran to the town square of Birao, where they sheltered for several days. They were forbidden from accessing their farms for more than one month, causing them to lose an entire harvest. Each family was given about $85 as compensation by the regional social welfare bureau. “It wasn’t enough,” said Rosario Anban, a farmer. “We couldn’t get to our crops because we were scared.”

The military used white phosphorus during its aerial operations in Baggao, according to rights groups, although it was seemingly far from civilian areas. The next month, the military dropped white phosphorus about a football field’s distance away from Gawaan Elementary School, according to multiple Gawaan residents who spoke to Drop Site.

The mostly Indigenous residents of Gawaan, a remote mountain town accessible only by a dirt motorcycle path, were not used to conflict. They rely on farming, loading vegetables onto jeepneys and selling them at market. In recent years, they have protested a planned dam project that would inundate the nearby Saltan River, flooding part of the valley where they live and farm.

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Global Military Industrial Complex Has Never Had It So Good, New Report Finds

The global war business scored record revenues in 2024 amid multiple protracted proxy conflicts across the world, according to a new industry analysis released on Monday.

The top 100 arms manufacturers in the world raked in $679 billion in revenue in 2024, up 5.9% from the year prior, according to a new Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) study. The figure marks the highest ever revenue for manufacturers recorded by SIPRI as the group credits major conflicts for supplying the large appetite for arms around the world.

“The rise in the total arms revenues of the Top 100 in 2024 was mostly due to overall increases in the arms revenues of companies based in Europe and the United States,” SIPRI said in their report. “There were year-on-year increases in all the geographical areas covered by the ranking apart from Asia and Oceania, which saw a slight decrease, largely as a result of a notable drop in the total arms revenues of Chinese companies.”

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A Single Warehouse in Jersey City Moved Over A Thousand Tons of Military Cargo to Israel Every Week

A single warehouse in Jersey City, New Jersey, packaged and transported over a thousand tons of military equipment to Israel every week in the first eight months of 2025, according to a report jointly released today by the Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM) and Progressive International (PI). A network of businesses based in New Jersey uses the privately owned warehouse to inspect, organize, and move military equipment, including Merkava tank parts, F-16 parts, ammunition, military gear, and armored and unarmored vehicles. The equipment is then packaged and delivered to nearby airports and sea ports and sent to Israel, researchers revealed.

The transfer of military gear to Israel is spearheaded by three overlapping Jersey-based companies—Interglobal Forwarding Services (IFS), G&B Packing Company, and G&G Services—which are all seemingly owned and operated by the same people. IFS and G&B serve as contractors with the Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD), which works closely with U.S. weapons manufacturers to purchase weapons. IFS primarily handles administrative matters; G&B Packing Company handles, packages, and loads the equipment onto trucks; and G&G Services makes shipments to local ports with its own fleet of trucks.

The PYM and PI’s report documented that 91% of all Israel-bound sea exports of military gear that did not go through a U.S. military base passed through the IFS and the G&B warehouse.

Until now, little has been known about the Jersey-based companies that operate the warehouse and their role transferring U.S. weapons to Israel. The revelation of the warehouse, which serves as a significant pit-stop in the military equipment supply-chain, comes as Israel continues its assault on Gaza, despite a U.S.-brokered “ceasefire.”

Between January and late August 2025, the month when the PYM and PI report was compiled, an average of 878 tons of sea cargo and between 263-525 tons of air cargo passed through the Jersey warehouse weekly, according to the bills of lading tabulated by the researchers. The equipment often travels “from the IFS warehouse to Port Newark–Elizabeth Marine Terminal, where they are loaded onto a Maersk vessel on the MECL line, dropped off in Tangier, Morocco, and picked up by another Maersk vessel on the Med Loop C to be taken to Haifa,” researchers found.

The majority of the shipments are for tank and armored vehicles. In addition to shipments to the Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD), IFS handles packages for private Israeli military companies, including Rafael Advanced Systems and the Israeli Military Industries (IMI). One 2025 shipment to IMI contained “340 tons of rifle ammunition,” researchers calculated. The warehouse is “the default location for any export of military goods to Israel,” researchers claim. In one Israeli government document, the IMOD requires companies to label cargo with G&B Packing’s address.

As recently as November 6, G&B Packing was listed as a point of contact for shipments to the IMOD in a U.S. government contract bid that is open for moving “unclassified spare parts in support of C-130, T-6, F-15, and F-16 aircraft” until February 2026, according to federal contracting data reviewed by Drop Site.

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Inside NATO’s procurement scandal: How corruption at NSPA exposes a rot at the heart of the alliance

NATO’s central procurement arm, the Luxembourg-based NSPA, has become the focus of a widening corruption scandal that raises far deeper questions than the arrest of a few officials. What is emerging is not merely a story about individuals taking bribes, but about a procurement system that has grown opaque, unaccountable, and increasingly vulnerable to private interests feeding off NATO’s expanding military budgets.

Investigations led by Belgian prosecutors, coordinated through Eurojust and involving Luxembourg, Spain and the Netherlands, have uncovered suspicions ranging from leaking confidential tender information to laundering illicit payments through shell consultancy firms. Some NSPA personnel are alleged to have passed sensitive procurement data to select defence companies in exchange for covert rewards. These were not trivial contracts: drones, ammunition and other high-value military systems lie at the centre of the probe — areas directly affecting NATO’s operational capacities. NATO’s leadership rushed to issue the standard line of “zero tolerance for corruption,” insisting that the agency is cooperating fully with national authorities. But such statements sound hollow without transparency, accountability, or a willingness to confront the structural weaknesses that allowed these practices to take root.

The significance of NSPA cannot be overstated. It manages billions of euros’ worth of joint procurement for NATO member states and is expanding its remit as Europe increases defence spending and accelerates its armament programs. When procurement of this scale takes place behind closed doors, the risks multiply: public funds become vulnerable to siphoning, tender processes become susceptible to manipulation, and strategic dependencies can be shaped not by security needs but by the profit motives of a handful of companies and intermediaries.

Patterns emerging from journalism collaborations and internal documents suggest structural, not incidental, failures: weak oversight mechanisms, a culture of secrecy, and a procurement architecture heavily reliant on external consultants. In some cases, whistleblowers report being discouraged or ignored, raising the possibility that internal resistance to misconduct was actively stifled. This undermines the notion that the scandal is the result of isolated wrongdoing and instead points to deeper systemic rot inside NATO’s procurement framework.

A broader critique is unavoidable. As NATO expands its defence procurement appetite under the banner of “collective security,” it funnels vast amounts of public money into increasingly complex military supply chains with minimal democratic supervision. The result is a procurement ecosystem where militarisation grows unchecked, private contractors accumulate influence, and public accountability erodes. The NSPA scandal is ultimately a symptom of this imbalance: a defence alliance claiming democratic legitimacy while managing enormous budgets through structures that are anything but transparent.

The consequences are potentially far-reaching. Public trust in defence spending — ultimately, for the proxy war against Russia in Ukraine — risks further erosion as taxpayers see an alliance unable or unwilling to police its own procurement processes. Should sensitive procurement data indeed have been exploited, the integrity of NATO’s armament plans may have been compromised, allowing certain suppliers to distort competition or inflate prices. Over time, such distortions would entrench a procurement environment dominated by a limited set of defence firms, reducing competition and raising costs for every member state.

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Israel Receives 1,000th Aircraft Carrying US Military Supplies Since October 7, 2023

The Israeli Ministry of Defense (IMOD) announced on Wednesday that it has received the 1,000th aircraft as part of an airlift operation delivering US military equipment to Israel that began following the October 7, 2023, attack on southern Israel and the start of Israel’s genocidal campaign in Gaza.

“To date, over 120,000 tons of military equipment, munitions, weapons systems, and protective gear have been transferred to Israel via 1,000 aircraft and approximately 150 maritime vessels,” the IMOD said in a press release. The ministry said it and the IDF have been “conducting a cross-continental logistics airlift operation on a scale unprecedented since the establishment of the state.”

The IDOF said that its missions in the US and Berlin have been involved in the operation, suggesting the flights could include German-supplied military equipment. Germany is the second-largest arms supplier to Israel after the US, and recently announced it was lifting a partial suspension of arms exports to Israel.

Through the airlift operation, Israel has received “advanced munitions, weapons, armored vehicles, medical equipment, communications systems, and personal protective equipment.” The equipment has not only supported Israel’s destruction of Gaza but also its war in Lebanon, its invasion of southwestern Syria, its war with Iran, airstrikes on Yemen, and military operations in the Israeli-occupied West Bank.

On Thursday, the IDOF announced that it signed a “multi-billion dollar” contract with the Israeli firm Rafael to procure more Iron Dome defense systems in a deal funded by US military aid. “The $8.7 billion US aid package, approved by Congress in April 2024, includes a dedicated $5.2 billion allocation to enhance Israel’s air defense systems, including Iron Dome, David’s Sling, and the high-powered Laser Defense System, which is currently in its final phase of development,” the IMOD said.

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Trump buys millions in Boeing bonds while awarding it contracts

Trump bought up to $6 million worth of corporate bonds in Boeing, even as the Defense Department has awarded the company multi-billion dollar contracts, new financial disclosures reveal.

According to the documents, Trump bought between $1 million and $5 million worth of Boeing bonds on August 28. On September 19, he bought more Boeing bonds worth between $500,000 and $1 million. In total, Trump appears to have bought at least $185 million worth of corporate and municipal bonds since the start of his presidency.

Kedric Payne, Vice President of the Campaign Legal Center, told RS in a phone interview there is “absolutely” a conflict of interest in Trump’s purchase of Boeing, especially since it is “a government contractor that is connected to military actions that the president controls almost unilaterally.”

Trump also bought between $1 and $5 million worth of Intel bonds in August, a week after the Trump administration took a 10% stake in the company. “I love seeing their stock price go up, making the USA RICHER, AND RICHER,” Trump posted on Truth Social on August 25. Trump purchased Intel bonds on August 29.

The partial purchase of the chip manufacturer, done under the auspices of driving technology research vital to national security, drew praise from some advocates of corporate accountability, including Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.).

Others raised concerns about how the U.S. government could maintain fairness. “Will the government favor firms in which it owns stakes over other competitors that might have better technology or processes?” asked Peter Harrell, a Non Resident Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment. Since the U.S. government’s partial ownership could give the Trump administration far more influence over the company, Trump’s personal investment in Intel could blur the lines between personal, corporate, and national interests. Intel has said the government’s partial ownership would be passive, with the government agreeing to “vote with the company’s Board of Directors on matters requiring shareholder approval, with limited exceptions.”

Upon entering office, Trump did not move his assets into a blind trust run by an independent trustee that could not be directed by the Trump family. Instead, he opted to hand over his business empire to his sons. The White House did, however, insist that the bond purchases were made by independent financial managers “using programs that replicate recognized indexes when making investments.”

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Epstein enlisted Rothschild-run bank to fund Israel’s cyberweapons development: Report

Deceased US financier and notorious sex offender Jeffrey Epstein attempted to use a Swiss, Rothschild-run private bank to raise money for Israeli cyberweapons development, according to leaked emails from the inbox of former Israeli premier Ehud Barak. 

The emails were obtained from a hack carried out by non-profit whistleblower Distributed Denial of Secrets, and cited in a report released by Drop Site News

In 2019, Bloomberg revealed that Ariane de Rothschild, CEO of Edmond de Rothschild Group (then vice chairman), visited Epstein’s New York mansion in 2015. Epstein was found dead in his prison cell less than two weeks later. 

The bank denied it at the time, but admitted four years later that de Rothschild met Epstein as part of her “duties” at the institution – coming after the Wall Street Journal (WSJ) released the sex offender’s meeting calendars. 

Epstein provided introductions to US finance leaders and law firms and provided tax and risk consulting, the bank said, while also assisting de Rothschild personally on “a couple of occasions” with estate management advice.

However, emails released by the US House Oversight Committee earlier this month revealed a closer relationship between Epstein and de Rothschild. Epstein had arranged to see a play with her, and had also planned a trip to Montreal with her. 

The Barak emails obtained by Handala show that Epstein tried to use his friendship with de Rothschild to fundraise for Israeli cyberweapons development. After retiring from government in 2013, Barak worked with Pavel Gurvich – a graduate of the Israeli army’s Unit 81 technology unit – to find cyberweapons startups linked to the Israeli intelligence community. 

Conversations between Barak and Gurvich included a variety of cyberweapons concepts and ideas derived from Israeli army research and inspired by the US National Security Agency’s (NSA) vast surveillance network. 

Epstein also pushed plans to finance these cyberweapons companies and sought to get support from de Rothschild. 

The emails show Epstein played the role of middleman between the former Israeli prime minister and de Rothschild.

“If Ehud wants to make serious money, he will have to build a relationship with me. Take time so that we can truly understand one another,” said a message from de Rothschild relayed to Barak by Epstein. 

“I’m ready. But I need your advice re HOW? (ladies is your forté),” Barak responded to Epstein.

“It’s not clear whether the Rothschild bank ultimately participated directly in Epstein and Barak’s cyberweapons efforts – but in October 2015, de Rothschild negotiated a $25 million contract with Epstein’s Southern Trust Company, the same entity Epstein used to fund Barak’s intelligence-linked security startup Reporty Homeland Security (now known as Carbyne) earlier that year,” Drop Site News revealed. 

Earlier this month, Drop Site News also revealed via leaked emails that Epstein and Barak helped Israeli intelligence shape the security apparatuses of several African nations, most notably in Cote d’Ivoire.

The new US House Oversight Committee disclosures from earlier in November show that de Rothschild and Epstein remained close over the years. 

Epstein was convicted in 2008 for soliciting a minor for prostitution but was given a non-prosecution plea deal by the Miami US attorney, Alexander Acosta, who stated that he was warned to “back off” because the convict was connected to an unnamed intelligence agency.

The sex offender was again arrested in 2019 on federal sex-trafficking charges. He died while in prison awaiting his trial, under mysterious circumstances. 

Prison authorities claim he committed suicide, yet this is disputed.

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Australia’s weapons programs exposed in defence industry cyber attacks

A series of cyber attacks on defence industry supply chain contractors has exposed threats to Australia’s weapons programs, security analysts say.

Over the past week, it was revealed that a hacker group shared material about Australia’s $7 billion Land 400 military program after allegedly breaching several Israeli defence companies.

The Cyber Toufan group posted images and details on Telegram about the Australian Defence Force’s (ADF) next-generation Redback infantry fighting vehicle.

Israeli weapons manufacturer Elbit Systems is involved in the project, supplying the vehicle’s high-tech turrets.

Another group claimed responsibility for a cyber attack on IKAD Engineering, a key player in the Australian defence industry.

The J Group ransomware gang alleges it infiltrated the company’s systems for five months in what it described as a “staycation in the defence supply chain”.

The hackers claimed they obtained information relating to Australian naval contracts, including the Hunter Class frigate and Collins Class submarine programs.

IKAD Engineering chief executive Gerard Dyson confirmed the incident, saying an “external third party” had gained unauthorised access to a portion of its internal IT systems

He said so far only “non-sensitive project information” had been impacted, along with employee files, adding that IKAD did not have direct connections into ADF systems. 

Cybersecurity experts warned even non-sensitive data could have strategic value, and the attacks should be a “wake-up call”.

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Macron Commits to Send Ukraine 100 Fighter Jets After Zelensky Meeting

France has agreed for the first time to provide Ukraine with fighter jets, as part of an deal struck between President Emmanuel Macron and President Volodymyr Zelensky in Paris on Monday.

Ukraine will purchase “around 100 Rafale fighter jets, with their associated weapons” from France over the next decade, the Élysée Palace announced on Monday. The deal will also see Kyiv provided with next-generation air defence systems, drones, and bombs from French sources.

It comes amid a tour of European capitals by President Zelensky, who is seeking to shore up support from allies as the war with Russia continues to grind on. The Ukrainian leader already secured a deal in Athens on Sunday to receive American liquid natural gas shipments through Greece to ensure energy supplies during the harsh winter, and plans on visiting Spain on Tuesday.

In a Paris press conference on Monday afternoon, President Macron said that the arms deal represents a “new step” in French commitment to Ukraine, which he described as “Europe’s first line of defence”.

“This agreement demonstrates France’s commitment to placing its industrial and technological excellence at the heart of Ukraine and Europe,” Macron said per Le Figaro, while at the same time expressing a desire for a “fair and sustainable” peace.

“Russia alone has chosen war. Everything is ready for peace; Russia alone refuses to accept it,” he said, continuing: “Russia is pursuing the objective of taking control of Ukraine.”

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