US citizen found guilty of helping export tech to Iran in violation of sanctions

A Massachusetts man was found guilty Monday of conspiring to unlawfully export electronic components to Iran in violation of U.S. sanctions.

Mahdi Mohammad Sadeghi, who worked at the global electronics company Analog Devices, was accused of helping an Iranian business associate get around American export control laws. U.S. prosecutors say the business associate’s Tehran-based company makes navigation systems for the military drone program of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard. Authorities say the scheme included the creation of a front company in Switzerland.

The second defendant, Mohammad Abedininajafabadi, called Abedini in court documents, was not on trial. He is believed to be in Iran after an apparent prisoner exchange for an Italian journalist.

Sadeghi was found guilty on three of the five charges. He showed no visible reaction to the verdict, which came early in the fourth day of jury deliberations. He and his lawyers did not comment as they left court, and he will remain free until sentencing Oct. 13

Sadeghi, a 43-year-old naturalized U.S. citizen, chose not to testify. A father of two, he lost his job at Analog Devices due to the charges. Although he was arrested in December 2024, long before the current war with Iran, his trial has unfolded during the conflict.

“At its core, this case is straightforward. You cannot send goods, especially the goods at issue in this case, to Iran. Period. Full stop,” Assistant U.S. Attorney Alathea Porter told the jury. “The defendant knew that, and conspired with Mr. Abedini to do that.”

Assistant U.S. Attorney Jared Dolan, in his closing remarks, said documents, text messages and photos proved that the illegal acts were the “fruits of this relationship” between Sadeghi and Abedini.

“The evidence established that he knew what Abedini was doing because he told him in writing,” Dolan said. “He helped him anyway.”

Sadeghi’s attorney, William Fick, told jurors that the scheme laid out by the prosecution “makes no sense” and was full of holes. He said Sadeghi was only offering advice to a longtime friend about how to get business with the semiconductor company, and wasn’t responsible for procuring the parts for Abedini.

Fick said there was no proof the parts ended up in Iran, and he disputed that the Swiss company was a front.

“If you look at the world through dirty glasses, everything looks dirty,” Fick said. “That is fundamentally what the prosecution is asking you to do here.”

Fick also said prosecutors hadn’t shown Sadeghi gained anything from the alleged plan — although the prosecution pointed out that they didn’t need to prove a motive.

“He had nothing to gain and everything to lose,” Fick said. “He has lived in the country for decades. He was a well-regarded, respected employee on his way up in the company.”

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Under Israeli pressure, US seizes Max Blumenthal’s devices on return from Tehran reporting trip


On July 10, 2026, American journalist Max Blumenthal was traveling back to the United States from Iran, which he had visited to report on the funeral of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the largest gathering in human history. While in Iran, Blumenthal interviewed members of Iran’s negotiation team, top political officials, academics and average citizens for a series of video and print reports for this news outlet, which he founded.

He also documented several US and Israeli war crimes from the ground, including the destruction of an entire neighborhood in Eastern Tehran which left at least 40 civilians dead.

Upon reentering the country at Dulles International Airport, Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) interrogated Blumenthal about his trip, searched his belongings, and demanded that he provide access to his smart phones. When he refused to open his phones, CBP officers forced him to turn them over for detention. Other journalists and travelers have been threatened with the loss of their passports for a month for failing to hand over their devices.

Blumenthal entered Iran exactly as reporters working for establishment media outlets like CNN and NBC did – on a press visa granted by the Iranian Foreign Ministry. While in Tehran, he participated in official press events alongside those mainstream reporters, who were also in the country to cover the Ayatollah’s funeral. When journalists from CNN, NBC, and other American outlets returned to the US, however, they were not subjected to the same harassment Blumenthal experienced, nor were they required to give the US government their electronic devices.

Blumenthal is a widely recognized journalist in American independent media, with a record of reporting spanning 25 years. He is the author of four books, including a New York Times bestselling volume, and numerous widely viewed documentary films. Having reported from numerous countries and conflict zones around the world, he is the winner of several awards, including the Online Journalism Award and, most recently, the Pierre Sprey Award for Defense Reporting and Analysis.

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Trump Formally Notifies Congress of Resumed Military Action Against Iran as Third Night of Strikes Begins

President Donald Trump has formally notified Congress that the United States has resumed kinetic military operations against Iran, triggering the third consecutive night of U.S. strikes and escalating tensions across the Persian Gulf.

In a two-page letter sent to lawmakers on Friday, the president informed Congress that strikes against Iranian targets restarted on July 7, in accordance with the War Powers Resolution. The notification grants U.S. forces in U.S. Central Command an additional 60 days to conduct operations without further congressional approval.

“United States ground forces are not involved in these strikes,” Trump wrote. “These strikes are limited, measured, planned and executed in a manner designed to minimize civilian casualties.”

Pentagon officials confirmed late Monday that U.S. forces had launched a third round of major strikes on Iranian military sites during overnight hours. Over the weekend, the U.S. reported hitting more than 140 Iranian targets, while Iran launched retaliatory attacks on U.S.-linked facilities across the Gulf region, including sites in Bahrain and Kuwait.

Blockade Reinstated, More Strikes Expected

President Trump previewed intensified operations in remarks Monday, stating the U.S. would “hit Iran hard” on Monday night and Tuesday. He also announced the reimposition of a full naval blockade on Iranian ports, effective Tuesday — coinciding with the 11th anniversary of the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) nuclear deal.

The president said a recent memorandum of understanding with Iran was intended as a “test” that Tehran failed to honor. “We had a deal with them two days ago,” Trump told reporters, adding that Iran “wanted to negotiate it further” and has a pattern of breaking agreements.

Under the reinstated blockade, the U.S. will reportedly require vessels wishing to transit Iranian waters to pay a 20% fee on cargo value for passage, according to statements from the White House and CENTCOM.

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Deranged St. Louis Radio Host J.C. Corcoran Posts Trump Assassination ‘Joke’ on Facebook… UPDATE: Corcoran Deletes Post

J.C. Corcoran is a longtime radio host and occasional television personality in St. Louis, Missouri.

He has been a fixture in the St. Louis market for over thirty years working at stations including KSHE, KSD-FM, KMOX, KTRS, KLOU, KIHT, and KFNS.

Corcoran is currently host of “JC’s Way-Back Machine” on 101.9 & 94.1 St. Louis. On Saturday nights he hosts NewsTalkSTL from 6-9 PM. And on Sunday he hosts “JC’s Sunday Showgram” from 7-9am.

He’s also a sick and deranged Trump hater.

On Saturday, Corcoran posted a Trump assassination “joke” on his Facebook page.

Corcoran posted the photo that includes the words, “Dear Iran, He’s on the golf course.”

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Trump Left Orders To Obliterate Iran If Assassinated: ‘Bomb Them At Levels Never Seen Before’

The Iran war saga has seen its fair share of bizarre and wild twists, and Friday has brought yet another – with the NY Post reporting that President Trump said he “left instructions” for a massive bombing campaign against Iran in the event he’s assassinated by Iranian operatives.

“I’ve been on their list for a long time. That’s what we’re dealing with,” he told New York Post. Then he followed with: “The only thing is, I’ve left instructions – if anything happens, to just literally bomb them at levels that they’ve never seen before.”

The provocative comment, which has unleashed a flurry of commentary and memes on social media, comes on the heels of Trump stating while at the NATO summit in Turkey this week that the Iranians were seeking to kill him.

He had quipped while in Turkey, “And so far, I guess I’ve been a little bit lucky, but that maybe doesn’t last very long.”

It seems Israel has been seizing on the opportunity for escalation of the crisis, given its leaders have made no secret of being deeply dissatisfied with the terms of the MoU.

Just as Tehran and Washington stand on the brink of returning once again to full-scale war, The Wall Street Journal reported the following late Thursday:

Israel shared new intelligence with the U.S. that it said indicated a fresh Iranian plan to kill President Trump, people familiar with the matter said, a finding that would mark an escalation in the war between Washington and Iran.

But then in the latest NY Post interview, Trump seemed to downplay if not outright deny the Israeli intelligence. He said instead, “No, no. Israel came up with nothing. No, no.” He then clarified that these are old and persisting, vague threats: “I’ve been No. 1 [on Iran’s kill list] for a long time, and it’s the way life is, you know,” he said, before adding, “I hope you’ll miss me.” From the NY Post in fuller context:

Asked about recent reports that Israel this week flagged intel of a plot to take out the US president, Trump indicated there was no fresh plan from Iran — but said Tehran has wanted him dead for years.

“No, no. Israel came up with nothing. No, no,” he said. “I’ve been No. 1 [on Iran’s kill list] for a long time, and it’s the way life is, you know.”

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Top Official in Marxist NYC Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s Administration Secretly Scheduled Meeting with Iran’s UN Ambassador – Trump State Department Forced to Shut It Down

A senior official in Communist New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s administration tried to hold an official meeting with the Iranian regime’s ambassador to the United Nations.

Commissioner Ana María Archila, head of the Mayor’s Office for International Affairs, had scheduled the meeting for July 7 at 11 a.m. at 2 United Nations Plaza with Amir-Saeid Iravani, Iran’s permanent representative to the UN.

Two other senior officials from the office were also set to attend, according to calendar invitation screenshots reviewed by City Journal and confirmed by multiple sources, including a State Department official.

The meeting was called off only after the U.S. State Department, which had not been informed in advance, stepped in and met with the Mamdani administration to “clarify acceptable conduct,” according to City Journal.

Archila reportedly did not even tell Mayor Mamdani she had arranged the sit-down. She was later reprimanded and ordered to cancel it.

A spokesperson for the Mayor’s Office for International Affairs issued the predictable damage-control statement: “This meeting did not and will not take place.”

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The US Has Been Violating MoU With Iran From Day One

The fragile ceasefire between Iran and the United States has been broken once again. The United States has been bombing Iran, claiming that its attacks are in retaliation for Iran attacking three vessels near Straight of Hormuz, which it considers as violation of the Islamabad agreement, officially known as the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the two nations.

But it is in fact the United States that has been violating the MoU because its interpretation of Article 5 of the MoU is simply false. According to Article 5 of the MoU, Iran is obligated to

“Make arrangements using its best efforts for the safe passage of commercial vessels with no charge for 60 days only from the Persian Gulf to the Sea of Oman, and vice versa. The traffic of commercial vessels will immediately start, and considering the need for removing the technical and military obstacles and de-mining by the Islamic Republic of Iran, will be instated within 30 days. The Islamic Republic of Iran will conduct dialogue with the Sultanate of Oman to define the future administration and maritime services in the Strait of Hormuz, in discussion with other Persian Gulf littoral states, in line with the applicable international law and the sovereign rights of coastal states of the Strait of Hormuz.”

The statement is unambiguous, and cannot be interpreted in any way other than Iran, in collaboration with Oman, is the party responsible for navigation in the Strait of Hormuz. It also clearly distinguishes a temporary arrangement for 60 days, and the long-term traffic regime in the Strait. Therefore, any vessel passing through the Strait must coordinate it with Iran, as well as Oman.

But this is not what the United States has been doing. In an effort to test Iran’s resolve for its control of the Strait, and to weaken it, Arab States of the Persian Gulf and  others, with direct support of the United States, dispatched several commercial vessels to pass through Oman’s territorial water without any coordination with, or even informing, Iran. They had even turned off their Automatic Identification System (AIS) transponders to evade Iran. This is in clear violation of Article 5, which Iran will not accept. Indeed, no self-respecting nation will.

This view is fully supported by Article 4 of the MoU:

“Immediately upon the signing this MoU, the United States of America will begin the removal of its naval blockade and any disturbances or impediments against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and will fully end the naval blockade within 30 days. During this period, the traffic of vessels will be in proportion to the numbers of pre-war traffic being restored by the Islamic Republic of Iran. The United States of America further undertakes to remove its forces from the proximity of the Islamic Republic of Iran within 30 days after the final deal.”

In other words, it is Iran that should restore the vessel traffic through the Strait to its pre-war level. Thus, once again, no vessel can pass through the Strait, unless it is coordinated with Iran, at least as one of the two parties specified by Article 5.

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U.S. Launches New Strikes on Iran After Trump Says Ceasefire Is ‘Over’

U.S. forces launched a new round of strikes against Iranian military targets Wednesday after President Donald Trump declared the U.S.-brokered ceasefire with Tehran was “over,” escalating Washington’s military response to Iran’s attacks on commercial shipping in the Strait of Hormuz.

The operation marked the second consecutive day of U.S. strikes after Iran fired on three commercial vessels transiting the strategic waterway, prompting Washington to accuse Tehran of violating the memorandum of understanding reached last month and to resume military action.

U.S. officials said Wednesday’s operation was broader than Tuesday night’s strikes and targeted additional military infrastructure supporting Iran’s operations in and around the strait.

“At the direction of the Commander in Chief, U.S. Central Command forces have started conducting additional strikes against Iran to further degrade their ability to threaten freedom of navigation in the Strait of Hormuz,” U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) said in a statement.

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New Strikes On Iran Significantly Stronger Than Earlier Attacks, As IRGC Targets US Navy Warships

‘Four to Five Times Larger’ Than Earlier Strikes

US officials are vowing bigger, more sustained and prolonged strikes against Iran tonight, according to the latest being reported in CNN and Axios:

The U.S. has launched a significantly expanded wave of airstrikes on Iran that is four to five times larger than the strikes carried out 10 days ago, a U.S. official told Axios. The official said the operation is expected to continue for hours.

Iran state media is meanwhile reporting on an initial retaliation by its forces (though not initially confirmed in other international sources):

Iran fires several anti-ship missiles and drones towards US Navy warships in the Sea of Oman, Fars reports 

More from state media on what could be mounting civilian casualties:

The state broadcaster reports that “most of the attacks” by the US in southern Iran have “targeted civilian areas”. This comes as the US claims its military hit Iranian missile and defence systems in its latest attacks.

Iran’s president is hastily traveling back to the Islamic Republic, cutting short funeral observances for Khamenei among Shia communities in Iraq:

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian has left the Iraqi city of Najaf to return to Tehran, according to the IRIB broadcaster, following the US’s latest strikes.

Pezeshkian had been in Iraq to attend funeral rites for Khamenei, whose body had arrived in Najaf on Tuesday night. According to Press TV, Pezeshkian had also planned to hold high-level talks with Iraqi government officials.

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The Resilience Paradox: How Military Strikes Are Bolstering Iran’s Cohesion

Wars are seldom judged fairly in the immediate aftermath. Generals and analysts often focus on tallies of destroyed sites, intercepted projectiles, and tactical wins. Yet the deeper political fallout usually surfaces later – and it has a habit of defying the expectations of those who started the fight. History offers plenty of examples where short-term military victories sowed the seeds of longer-term strategic setbacks. This reality merits close attention when evaluating the recent U.S.-Israeli strikes against Iran.

The central issue may not be simply how much Iranian military hardware was damaged. More important is whether the conflict has reshaped Iran’s internal politics in ways that run counter to what Washington and its partners hoped. If the goal of prolonged sanctions, isolation, and military action was to erode the Islamic Republic’s governing strength, the picture that’s emerging looks more nuanced than many anticipated.

Consider the massive funeral ceremonies held after the death of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Interpreting public turnout at state events always requires caution: people attend for a mix of reasons – religious duty, nationalist sentiment, genuine sorrow, official pressure, or simple curiosity. No single gathering can definitively gauge a regime’s legitimacy. Still, from the standpoint of institutional staying power, the state showed it could orchestrate large-scale, nationwide events and project an image of continuity rather than collapse during one of its most vulnerable leadership transitions.

This doesn’t mean Iran’s deep-seated problems have vanished. The country still grapples with serious economic hardships, social fractures, and political rifts. But these challenges exist alongside a pattern often overlooked in Western commentary: external threats frequently foster greater national cohesion, at least in the short term, before any weakening sets in.

Political scientists call this the “rally around the flag” effect. When facing foreign pressure, citizens often prioritize national sovereignty over internal grievances. This dynamic has played out in diverse systems. After the 9/11 attacks, American support for the government surged despite deep partisan divides. Britain showed similar unity during World War II. Other nations have experienced the same temporary closing of ranks in the face of external danger. Whether Iran is undergoing exactly this process is debatable, but it’s a possibility worth examining seriously rather than brushing aside.

For roughly two decades, U.S. policy toward Iran rested on a fairly steady premise: that economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation, covert operations, and targeted military force would raise the price for Tehran enough to force major behavioral shifts or even systemic change. Administrations differed in emphasis, but the underlying logic stayed consistent.

The latest confrontation calls for a fresh look at that approach. There’s no denying that the military campaign inflicted real costs on Iran. Yet political results can’t be reduced to lists of damaged facilities. A strategy meant to undermine state authority can sometimes bolster it when outside pressure heightens institutional unity and ties citizens more closely to the idea of national defense. The link between external coercion and internal political evolution has never been straightforward. In some situations, it fuels domestic discontent; in others, it narrows room for internal dissent by focusing attention on external threats.

This matters because military achievements and political achievements are not always aligned. That said, it would be a mistake to assume that crisis-driven unity automatically equals lasting legitimacy. Short-term solidarity in an emergency rarely erases underlying economic woes or longstanding grievances. Societies that pull together during crises often resume their internal debates once the immediate danger passes. Any realistic view of Iran’s path forward must hold both truths at once: external pressure may enhance near-term resilience without locking in the country’s longer-term political direction.

This duality carries real weight for regional strategy. Whatever one’s view of the Islamic Republic, Iran remains a major player in the Middle East. Its size, geography, military assets, energy reserves, and location mean it will keep shaping security dynamics from the Gulf to the Caucasus and Central Asia. Few big regional issues can be tackled without factoring in Tehran’s role.

This is simply a statement of geopolitical reality, not an endorsement of Iranian policies. History shows that governments routinely engage with adversaries precisely because those adversaries matter strategically – not because ideological gaps have closed. The U.S. negotiated arms control with the Soviet Union during the Cold War while remaining rivals. Nixon’s opening to China in the 1970s was driven by shifting power realities, not shared values. Similar pragmatism appeared later with Vietnam and others.

These examples point to a key principle: sound grand strategy starts with a clear-eyed reading of the world as it is, not as one wishes it to be. Applied to today’s Middle East, if military pressure has – even temporarily – bolstered aspects of Iranian state cohesion, then strategists may need to rethink how force interacts with domestic politics. This doesn’t mean scrapping deterrence or ignoring fundamental differences. It does suggest that military tools by themselves may not deliver the political transformation some expect.

A smarter approach would combine robust deterrence with active diplomacy, careful crisis management, and open communication channels. Reducing escalation risks and avoiding miscalculations are valuable goals in their own right. Confidence-building steps, targeted talks, and broader regional security forums aren’t cure-alls, but they can usefully support – not replace – traditional deterrence.

In the end, the recent conflict drives home a lesson that goes far beyond Iran. Military action can alter political incentives in surprising ways. Regimes that look fragile beforehand sometimes come out with stronger institutional glue, while battlefield wins don’t always add up to strategic success. Whether this holds in Iran long-term is still unclear, and firm judgments would be premature. But the possibility alone deserves rigorous analysis.

For decision-makers, the real task isn’t just assessing the military scorecard. It’s grasping the political ripples that military moves create over time. If nothing else, recent events show that the connection between outside pressure and internal change is far more intricate than straightforward coercion theories suggest. Acknowledging that complexity isn’t advocacy for any specific policy. It’s a call for handling one of the most critical geopolitical rivalries with more intellectual humility and a sharper awareness of war’s often unintended, lingering consequences.

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