
Political theater…



Former President Donald Trump’s upcoming Senate impeachment trial poses a security concern that federal law enforcement officials told lawmakers last week requires as many as 5,000 National Guard troops to remain in Washington through mid-March, according to four people familiar with the matter.
The contingency force will help protect the Capitol from what was described as “impeachment security concerns,” including the possibility of mass demonstrations coinciding with the Senate’s trial, which is slated to begin the week of Feb. 8.
Despite the threat, the citizen soldiers on the ground say they have been given little information about the extension and wonder why they are being forced to endure combat-like conditions in the nation’s capital without a clear mission.
“Quite frankly this is not a ‘combat zone,’ so combat conditions shouldn’t apply,” said one Guard member on the ground in D.C. who has deployed twice to Afghanistan.
Several National Guard units have seen their deployments extended involuntarily, though a majority of Guardsmen remaining in Washington will do so on a volunteer basis. Around 7,000 troops will continue to provide riot security through the beginning of February, with that number decreasing slightly to 5,000 by the time Trump’s impeachment trial begins.
I want to fight. I want to be positive. But every once in a while I swallow the dreaded “Black Pill” (the belief that all is lost and there’s really no sense in moving on). What I’m about to write may sound as if I have swallowed the whole bottle, but I need to present a commentary on what I’ve been seeing for the past 10 months, and especially the last eight days.
The terms “insurrection,” “sedition,” and “treason” are being shouted by politicians and the corporate press (CP) like a 4-year-old the first time they discover the “F-word.” And their main target has been Donald Trump. If those terms were being associated with just the president, it would have most likely elicited a response from me. However, that’s not the point of this missive. Although the House voted to impeach Trump, the CP, and certain politicians, are not stopping at punishing only him, they are attempting to connect Trump’s most ardent supporters with voting for, and supporting, one they claim is guilty of treason. The way I interpret this is, the CP is saying voters and Trump factions have given “support” to an enemy of the State in order to punish them as well. The CP is asking regular people to identify anyone they can who was at, in or near the Capitol on 1/6/2021 and the arrests have started. Why would this concern me?
The most apt parallel for the second impeachment of Donald Trump may not be any other of the three previous presidential impeachments, including his own just over a year ago. It may instead be the PATRIOT Act, which was passed in the heated emotional aftermath of the September 11 attacks, with negligible debate afforded to the long-term implications of what Congress was enacting. Reason and deliberation had given way to a collective desire for security and revenge, and thus the most sweeping curtailment of civil liberties in the modern historical record was approved. Those who departed from the swiftly assembled consensus could expect to be denounced as sympathisers to terrorists.
Likewise, if you deign to raise concerns about the implications of this sudden impeachment sequel — or any of the other extraordinary actions taken in the past week, such as an ongoing corporate censorship purge of unprecedented proportions — you can expect to be accused of defending or supporting the “domestic terrorists” who carried out the mob attack on the Capitol.
Nancy Pelosi, the Speaker of the House, rationalised rushing through Wednesday’s impeachment resolution at spell-binding speed — by far the fastest impeachment process ever — on the grounds that Trump posed a “clear and present danger” to the country, and needed to be removed immediately. “Imminent threats” of various stripes also have a long history of being cited to justify sweeping emergency action, such as the invasion of Iraq. Often upon further inspection, the purported “threat” turns out to have been not so “imminent”, or in fact to have never existed at all.
Instead of working on programs to safely reopen the country, help those who’ve lost their jobs and homes during the pandemic, and find solutions to problems faced by tens of millions of Americans — Congress impeached a man, who in less than a week, will no longer be the president.
This move is insulting and egregious for two reasons. The first one is obvious and that there are far more important things to be working on than holding impeachment proceedings when a much less resource consuming criminal investigation could happen in the days after Trump leaves office. The second reason is that Trump should have been impeached years ago.
Over the last four years, Trump has given Congress multiple substantial reasons for impeachment, but they agreed with him on most of it, so they left it alone.

Three Ohio House Republicans have drafted articles of impeachment against Gov. Mike DeWine, claiming many of his administration’s coronavirus orders are unconstitutional and violate Ohioans’ civil liberties.
While the chances of DeWine, a Greene County Republican, being removed from office are very slim, the articles of impeachment reflect ongoing dissatisfaction from many conservative lawmakers about the governor’s coronavirus response.
A resolution introduced by state Rep. John Becker, a Clermont County Republican, includes 10 articles of impeachment against DeWine which claim he:
Besides Becker, the other two co-sponsors of the impeachment resolution include Republican state Reps. Nino Vitale of Champaign County and Paul Zeltwanger of Warren County, according to a website set up to promote the measure.
For DeWine to be removed from office, a majority of the House would need to approve the resolution, and two-thirds of the Ohio Senate would then have to vote to convict him.
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