IDF Veterans: Post-10/7 Rules Allowed Hundreds of Civilian Deaths to Kill Single Hamas Member

Former Israeli military and intelligence personnel affirmed that rules for targeting confirmed and alleged Hamas members in Gaza were dramatically loosened after the October 7, 2023 attack, allowing strikes expected to kill hundreds of Palestinian civilians to target even low-ranking members of the Palestinian resistance group, according to a report published Monday.

In an article published by Haaretz, Israel’s oldest daily newspaper, Yaniv Kubovich gathered testimonies from former Israel Defense Forces intelligence personnel that add to the body of evidence from Israeli whistleblowers, military officials, and investigative journalists documenting how the IDF expanded its targeting practices during its devastating US-backed annihilation of Gaza, which has killed or wounded more than 250,000 Palestinians in the coastal exclave over the past three years.

One change described by some of those interviewed by Kubovich was “the opening of the intelligence apparatus to untrained personnel.”

“People arrived at military intelligence who weren’t from the unit, reservists who’d never even served in intelligence, brought in from all sorts of places,” said one veteran, identified as “A.”

“They sat in the Targeting Directorate looking for the most insignificant targets, the small fry, so they could kill them,” A added. “Anyone displaying Hamas symbols on Facebook or identifying themselves as Hamas was marked as a target. Some were Hamas members, some were fighters too, but they really were small fry.”

Another veteran, “D,” who was assigned to a strike cell – units that coordinate drone and other aerial attacks – said: “Suddenly, the IDF was striking even the lowest of the low indiscriminately, and everyone had forgotten about conserving ammunition. We were striking Hamas drivers. That’s how far it went.”

Kubovich wrote that “a recurring theme in the accounts is the gap between a target’s importance, the scale of the strike and the civilian toll deemed acceptable.”

For example, on October 31, 2023, IDF warplanes dropped 2,000-pound “bunker-buster” bombs supplied by the United States on the densely populated Jabalia refugee camp in northern Gaza in order to kill one Hamas commander, Ibrahmi Biari.

“We knew Biari was underground, beneath several large buildings, but we couldn’t pinpoint which building he was under,” said D. “So they chose several buildings that were still occupied and decided to bring down all the buildings above the tunnel he was in. We didn’t initiate an evacuation because it was important to kill him before he could get away.”

A, who was also involved in the mission, said the decision to bomb the buildings was referred to the IDF chief of staff for approval, since intelligence officials estimated that there would be hundreds of civilian casualties. The IDF calculated that roughly 100 people would be killed or wounded in the proposed attack.

“We couldn’t get any more intelligence to pinpoint his exact location,” said veteran D. “They told us, ‘He’s killing soldiers right now. We have to strike him,’ out of concern for the troops on the ground, and in the end the strike was approved. They really wanted to kill this guy.”

Hamas said that 400 people were killed or wounded in the attack.

“Among other things, we relied on figures coming from Hamas, which we considered relatively plausible, even if they weren’t 100% accurate,” veteran A told Kubovich. “As time went on, we realized the death toll was around 250. I remember being stunned that we were bringing down several densely populated buildings, killing and injuring hundreds of people, to kill a battalion commander who, just a few weeks earlier, hadn’t even been someone we were supposed to gather intelligence on.”

The UK-based civilian casualty monitor Airwars said that at least 126 civilians, including 69 children, were killed in the attack, which wiped out whole families.

“You can’t authorize the potential killing of 300 civilians for a battalion commander, or the killing of 20 civilians for every Hamas truck driver, and still tell the public we did everything we could to avoid harming innocent people,” Nadav Weiman, executive director of the IDF veterans’ group Breaking the Silence, told Kubovich.

Referring to the Jabalia massacre, D said: “I can’t say this particular strike is what really messes with my head. What’s much harder for me is the system of strike after strike after strike, with collateral damage running into dozens of people, sometimes hundreds. Being part of a system like that bothers me more than taking part in any particular strike.”

The veterans’ accounts raise further questions about Israel’s repeated assertions that its military operations have been conducted in accordance with international humanitarian law, which requires parties in armed conflicts to distinguish between civilians and combatants and prohibits attacks expected to cause excessive civilian harm relative to the anticipated concrete and direct military advantage.

Those claims stand in stark contrast with statements by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and other senior Israeli officials, who began calling for the genocidal destruction of Gaza and its 2.2 million people in the immediate aftermath of the Hamas-led attack of October 7, 2023.

Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant – his former defense minister who ordered the “complete siege” of Gaza, explaining that “we are fighting human animals, and we are acting accordingly” – are currently fugitives from the International Criminal Court in The Hague, where they are wanted for alleged crimes against humanity and war crimes, including murder and forced starvation.

The International Court of Justice (ICJ), also in The Hague, is currently conducting a genocide case against Israel filed by South Africa and formally supported by more than 15 nations. While a ruling in the case isn’t expected until at least 2029, a United Nations commission of inquiry, the International Association of Genocide Scholars, and other experts – including many Israeli and international Jewish academics, jurists, human rights campaigners, and others – have already concluded that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza.

The new Haaretz investigation adds to the body of reporting on Israel’s loosened rules of engagement and their disastrous implications for Gaza civilians, including a December 2024 New York Times exposé involving interviews with over 100 IDF soldiers and veterans, Israeli officials, dozens of airstrike victims, and experts on the law and conduct of war.

Kubovich’s revelations also come as the documentary NAZA, directed by Israeli journalists and filmmakers Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, brings testimony from Israeli military and intelligence insiders to international audiences. The film features 24 anonymized insiders describing the surveillance, artificial intelligence-assisted targeting, and military procedures used during the assault on Gaza.

IDF veteran testimonies are consistent with earlier investigations into the IDF’s use of artificial intelligence to generate targets at extraordinary speed, often with limited human scrutiny.

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Soldier blocks Palestinian harvest, says ‘Jews have prior right over Arabs to everything’

A soldier was filmed blocking a Palestinian olive harvest near Ramallah on Friday because, he said, “this is a Jewish state” and “Jews have a prior right over Arabs to everything in this country.”

The soldier documented in the central West Bank’s Birzeit area also said settlers were allowed to be there because those were his orders.

The IDF did not immediately comment on the incident.

Near the village of Yabrud, about 4 kilometers (2.5 miles) east of Birzeit, separate footage on Friday showed settlers trapping a Palestinian vehicle and assaulting its occupants, reportedly a father and son, who fled.

Police said they arrested a 15-year-old settler on suspicion of involvement and seized one of the cars that the perpetrators used in the attack, which police described as a “nationalist” assault and car theft.

Rabbis for Human Rights, which published the footage from the Birzeit-area olive grove, said the Birzeit incident occurred as Israeli activists with the group were helping with the harvest on private Palestinian land in the West Bank’s Area C, which Israelis can legally enter without notifying Israel’s Civil Administration.

Nonetheless, soldiers shut down the harvest and removed the Palestinians and activists from the area, according to Rabbis for Human Rights.

The footage published by the group from the scene showed a masked soldier in full gear confronting Israeli activists, who asked why Jewish settlers could be in the area but Palestinians couldn’t.

“I don’t know if you remember, but this is a Jewish state. So Jews have a prior right over Arabs to everything in this country, whether you like it or not,” the soldier said.

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Genocide Treated as Afterthought by Media on Third Anniversary of October 7 Attacks

October 7 marked three years since the Hamas attacks on Israel that left some 1,200 people dead and 251 taken hostage. It also marks three years since Israel launched its genocide of Palestinians in the Gaza Strip with material and moral support from the United States, with an official death toll surpassing 74,000—including more than 20,000 children.

The official death toll is no doubt an underestimate, given the large number of missing and disappeared persons. (When Western corporate media outlets cite this toll, they often feel compelled to qualify it—e.g., as the BBC [10/7/26] had it, the “war between Israel and Hamas has killed more than 74,200 people in Gaza, according to the Hamas-run health ministry, whose overall figures are seen as accurate by the UN”—lest, presumably, they be seen as taking Hamas’s word for it that the figure is so high.)

The killing spree continues in spite of an alleged ceasefire implemented last year, although the Jerusalem Post (10/5/26) charitably reckons that “less than 50%” of the casualties have been civilians.

The genocide was not, of course, a sudden violent outburst that came out of nowhere. Rather, it was a climax of genocidal momentum that had been building since the founding of the state of Israel in 1948, which was itself achieved via the destruction of some 530 Palestinian villages, the killing of 15,000 Palestinians, and the expulsion of three-quarters of a million more.

Now, three years later, the corporate media still can’t bring themselves to refer to the genocide of Palestinians as such—notwithstanding it being a pretty textbook case of the phenomenon. Predictably, then, the third anniversary of the commencement of mass slaughter and devastation in Gaza has been cast in corporate media as an afterthought to the anniversary of the Hamas attacks.

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Three Years of Gaza as a Ghetto of Genocidal Extermination

Israel is lost.

Every day for the last three years, the decent people of the world — in our untold millions — have been sunk in a pit of moral despair, weeping, having breakdowns or being permanently enraged by the most extraordinarily depraved example of full-spectrum, live-streamed barbarism in our lifetimes — the ongoing genocide of the Palestinians of the Gaza Strip by the State of Israel.

The trigger for Israel’s ongoing genocide was, of course, one particularly bloody day, October 7, 2023, when militants from the Gaza Strip, which had been maintained by Israel as an “open-air prison” for the previous 16 years, broke out through the perimeter fence and went on a killing spree in southern Israel in which 1,195 people were killed, and 251 others were taken hostage.

These are the bare facts, and, for anyone like myself who is an intuitive lifelong pacifist, they are, of course, deeply unpalatable. 1,124 Israelis and 71 foreign nationals, who all had hopes and dreams and loves and fears, were killed on October 7. 367 of them were members of the Israeli security forces, while the rest, including 36 children, were civilians.

We should mourn them all, but we cannot regard their deaths in isolation, because, in response, beginning on the evening of October 7, 2023 and continuing ever since, the Israelis have killed, at the barest minimum, 75 times as many Palestinians over the last three years, including over 21,500 children — at least 600 times as many children as were killed on October 7.

In total, according to statistics with which no one can seriously argue, 74,228 Palestinians have been killed and 175,188 injured (many very severely so) by Israeli forces over the last three years, although those figures are undoubtedly a serious undercount (see my notes at the end of this article). The remains of at least 8,000 Palestinians are still buried under the rubble, and untold numbers of others are unaccounted for, or are dying of secondary causes beyond the direct military attacks — of starvation and disease, and of everyday ailments, grievous wounds or chronic pre-existing health conditions, few of which can be adequately treated in a healthcare sector that has been deliberately destroyed by Israel, and from which it is still deliberately preventing the delivery of essential medical supplies and equipment.

According to an invisible assessment of the relative value of lives that Israel uses, and that has been shamefully adopted by most western leaders, we’re meant, today, to continue mourning those who died on October 7, 2023, while completely ignoring the genocidal carnage visited on the Palestinians ever since.

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Debunking Myths Of October 7th And The Zionist War Against Palestine

Today, October 7th, 2026, will officially mark three years since the beginning of a non-stop genocide against the Palestinian enclave of Gaza.

Today, the airwaves will be full of relentless propaganda falsely asserting the victimhood of Israel and using every confounded twist of logic imaginable to paint the occupiers as the oppressed. Media will be rife with discourse that attempts to frame the slaughter of innocent people as righteous, with a collective amnesia that pretends to assert that all of this began only three years ago.

This disingenuous distortion of reality shouldn’t be allowed to stand. So allow us to counteract that narrative by comparing the myths with the actual facts.

Myth: October 7th was a surprise attack.

Fact: In the last three years copious amounts of information have come out conclusively proving that October 7th was, in fact, not only not a surprise, but it was an outright false flag attack.

An investigation from the Israeli news outlet Haaretz recently confirmed that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had foreknowledge of the impending attacks, deliberately doing nothing to prevent them. This corroborates previously revealed information that the Israeli Prime Minister was given express warning from neighboring intelligence agencies that, if acted upon, would have prevented the attacks from happening.

Myth: The casualties of October 7th were entirely inflicted by Hamas.

Fact: While it is true that Hamas did kill many Israelis during the attack, it is incorrect to say that they were solely responsible for Israeli casualties. Several investigative reports in the years since, as well as admissions from Israeli officials themselves, openly acknowledge that the Israeli military authorized the Hannibal directive during the attack — a protocol that authorizes the Israeli military to kill their own people.

The official stated purpose of the Hannibal directive is to prevent the capture of Israelis, operating under the supposition that it is better to be killed than captured. In practice, however, the Hannibal directive is utilized by Israel as a means of killing its own citizens to then falsely attribute the deaths to groups such as Hamas as a means to further justify violent actions against Palestinians.

Myth: Hamas committed mass rapes and the beheading of babies during the October 7th attack.

Fact: This is a classic example of atrocity propaganda. Numerous investigations, including by Israeli sources, have found no credible evidence of any such atrocities taking place during October 7th. Such claims were deliberately spread as a part of a mass propaganda campaign to manufacture justification for the Gaza genocide.

Myth: After taking several Israelis hostage, Hamas refused to let them go even when concessions were made during peace negotiations.

Fact: Another blatant example of disinformation. Reports indicate that Hamas leaders immediately offered several times to release all of their hostages so long as basic conditions were met by the Israelis to secure the safety of Palestinian civilians. It is on record that Israel refused to accept these terms.

Now that we’ve debunked some of the primary myths surrounding October 7th itself, allow us to focus on some of the historical context and myths that continue to circulate contributing to the spread of disinformation promoting the Zionist narrative.

Myth: Hamas is a terrorist organization started by Palestinians who hate Israel for the express purpose of committing violence against Israelis.

Fact: Hamas is a creation of Israeli intelligence. Similar to how other terrorist organizations the likes of Al Qaeda and ISIS exist as a creation of the Central Intelligence Agency in the US, the formation of Hamas was largely fomented by Israel’s Mossad.

It is a documented fact of historical record that Israeli intelligence deliberately empowered Hamas over more secular, less militant, Palestinian political organizations so that the Israeli government could use the political prominence of Hamas as a justification for enacting more violence against the Palestinian people.

Previous investigations by Haaretz have found that Benjamin Netanyahu himself personally oversaw the transfer of funds to Hamas to ensure they remained in power, including a recent investigation finding that a request was made by the Israeli government to increase funds to Hamas just a week before the October 7th attack.

Myth: Jews and Muslims have historically never been able to coexist peacefully, particularly in Palestine.

Fact: Hostilities between Palestinian and Israeli people are a relatively modern invention. For centuries Muslims, Jews, and Christians alike all lived relatively peacefully and cooperatively in the Palestinian territory.

It is a matter of historical record that during the reign of the Ottoman Empire, a Muslim caliphate, the Ottoman Turks willfully encouraged and embraced the immigration of Jews into Ottoman territory after the Jewish people experienced decades of discrimination from European countries.

Hostilities began shortly following the end of World War 1, after the Ottoman Empire dissolved and Great Britain seized control of the Palestinian territory.

British authorities had officially pledged to grant the Palestinian people their independence, but quickly betrayed this agreement in the favor of Zionist lobbying groups in Britain.

In 1917, at the behest of a Zionist campaign headed by Lord Lionel Walter Rothschild, the openly anti-Semitic British foreign secretary Arthur Balfour put forth what is known as the Balfour Declaration — an intentionally racist anti-jewish policy that supported the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine specifically to encourage the expulsion of Jews from Britain and other Western countries. Zionist groups, who have historically never cared about the safety or the security of the Jewish people, seized upon the opportunity.

Myth: The Israeli people have the right to occupy Palestine because it is their historic homeland.

Fact: The settlers who currently occupy Palestine under the Israeli colonial project are not ethnically ancestral semitic Jews, and have no rightful claim to the ownership of that territory.

History shows that the majority of Israeli settlers, particularly in the early days of Zionist colonialism, are of European descent, specifically from a group known as the Ashkenazi — a group of non-semitic ethnic eastern Europeans. While they may follow the Judaic religion, they are not ethnically Jewish semites.

Myth: All Jews are zionists, and all zionists are Jews.

Fact: This is a particularly pervasive piece of anti-jewish propaganda that is deliberately spread by zionists.

Numerous Jewish organizations outright reject the existence of Zionism as being incompatible with Judaism. Several Orthodox Jewish groups even go so far as to condemn the existence of Israel as a violation of Talmudic law, referring to the Zionist colonial project specifically as an abomination to God, since Jewish religious texts expressly specifies that a historic homeland for the Jewish people can only be granted upon the return of their Messiah.

Several Jewish organizations, most of which overlap in their opposition to Zionism, have also openly taken a stance against Israel’s genocide in Gaza and the decades of apartheid committed against Palestinians.

In regards to the existence of zionism, it is also an incorrect assertion that all zionists are Jews, since Zionism is a political ideology rather than a religious one. In the United States, the majority of zionists are actually Christian nationalists — a sect of religious extremists that promote a narrow interpretation of fundamentalist Christianity, which in part promotes a Judeo-Christian covenant that materializes as support for Zionism.

Ironically, Zionist settlers in the occupied Palestinian territory have a history of attacking Palestinian Christians as well, including destroying ancient churches and Christian holy sites.

The biggest myth of all: This is not a genocide.

Irrefutable fact: Every relevant human rights organization on the planet has characterized what Israel’s Zionist regime has done in Gaza for the last three years as a genocide, exacerbated by numerous war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Prior to the outset of the genocide three years ago, human rights organizations declared conclusively again and again and again and again over the years that Israel’s brutal occupation of the Palestinian people constituted the crime of apartheid.

In October of 2023, shortly after the launch of the genocide, The Free Thought Project provided an extensive historical synopsis elaborating upon the facts of the Israel-Palestine conflict with distinct clarification of the history of Zionist brutalization against the Palestinian peoples.

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Smotrich: IDF ‘Thorough Cleansing’ of Lebanon Will Benefit Israel’s North for Decades

In the course of his recent speeches, Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich has laid out the position calling once again for the outright annexation of much of southern Lebanon, saying that territory losses should serve as a “penalty” for Israel’s enemies for opposing them.

In one speech he declared that both Gaza and Lebanon “will be ours.” During that speech, he similarly bragged that the “thorough cleansing” ongoing deep into Lebanese territory would leave the southern Lebanese with “nowhere to return to” and closed with “by the way, the world isn’t stopping us.”

Israel’s most recent invasion of southern Lebanon began in early March. Seven months later, the IDF has continued to push deeper and deeper into Lebanon, and is demolishing villages, mostly Shi’ite ones, in the course of those operations.

The mass destruction of towns and villages within Lebanon has included leveling homes, badly damaging surrounding farmland, setting fires, and destroying subterranean tunnels. Smotrich bragged in his comments that Israel’s “cleansing” was thorough both above and below ground.

Smotrich is one of several far-right Israeli figures who has been advocating for annexation of the seized territories, and said he believes Israel ought to “apply permanent sovereignty” over the seized territory within Lebanon. How deep he intends that to go is not directly stated.

Lebanese officials are reportedly preparing to propose an Israeli withdrawal from Lebanese territory in stages, though so far Israeli negotiators have opposed any deals which include a concrete commitment to actually withdraw ground troops entirely from Lebanon, and have similarly opposed any ceasefire which would oblige them to stop attacking Lebanese territory.

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How ‘Never Again’ Lost Meaning in Gaza

Looking across the devastated landscape of the Gaza Strip, where surviving generations now carry the permanent physical and psychological scars of war, the ultimate indictment of our era is damning:  The world watched the horror unfold  in real-time, possessed all the legal, political and institutional mechanisms to stop it, and did nothing.

For months, then years, the catastrophe in Gaza tested the fabric of international law, the integrity of global governance and the moral conscience of humanity.  From the halls of the United Nations to the high courts of The Hague, what followed was not information failure, but a shameful surrender of political and moral will.

Rarely does history deliver such swift and scathing hindsight. Three years after October 7, 2023, the real horror of Gaza is that this barbarity was never hidden; it was broadcast live in high definition to a global audience that watched, debated, proceduralized, and allowed it to continue.

Israel’s war on Palestinians continues uninterrupted. Despite having the influence to halt the crisis, major international powers have not intervened, allowing the regime and its colonizers to increase their violence across both Gaza and the occupied West Bank.

As time lifts the fog of war, the systemic breakdown of global institutions and governments becomes unmistakably apparent. The world failed to stop the genocide in Gaza not because it lacked awareness or warning. It faltered because the “rules-based” international order (aka Western order) is structurally and morally bankrupt, paralyzed by complicity, cowardice and double standards.

The war exposed international humanitarian law as a selective tool of the West – applied swiftly to some, but suspended when it inconveniences the powerful.  Governments that traditionally postured as champions of human rights have prioritized strategic alignments over universal legal and humanitarian obligations.

During the initial months of the onslaught, as the number killed rose into the tens of thousands and entire neighborhoods were flattened with their residents inside, global diplomats did what they do best: use bureaucratic delays to stall for time.

While hospitals were besieged and children underwent amputations without anesthesia, on blood-soaked floors, the UN Security Council degenerated into a theater of deadlock.  The world’s premier body for collective security rendered global consensus impotent and buckled under superpower threats.

Repeated resolutions calling for an immediate ceasefire were either vetoed or watered down into toothless rhetoric. Meanwhile, international courts meticulously deliberated over the legal nuances of genocide while graves multiplied and  atrocities continued uninterrupted.

Today, as the International Court of Justice unhurriedly considers its final ruling on South Africa’s 2023 genocide case against Israel, tangible memories of Palestine are being erased; centuries of history, culture and ancestral lineages are being obliterated.  For Palestine, justice delayed is not justice denied; it is genocide completed.

Three years of impunity, of unprosecuted genocide, reveals that the value of human life is being measured on a sliding scale; that it is weighed based on race, geography and political utility.

In retrospect, these procedural and administrative delays look less like structural gridlock and more like an active cover-up. Every month spent debating the semantics of humanitarian corridors or compliance with international law gave carte blanche to Israel’s military onslaught.

The harshest criticism of the last three years falls on Western powers. Governments that never tire of lecturing the world on human rights, rules based order and international jurisprudence performed moral gymnastics to justify the unjustifiable.

We watched as world leaders converged on Israel with blank checks of allegiance, supplying an uninterrupted stream of munitions that reduced universities, schools, hospitals, markets, bookstores, bakeries, places of worship and apartment blocks to rubble.

While publicly wringing their hands, in private, these same leaders approved the weapon shipments.  And, in a cruel theatrical act of humanitarian absolution, they authorized the aerial dropping of meager sacks of flour into the very zones in Gaza they helped leave in ruins.

Failure was not restricted to the halls of power; the entire mainstream media landscape failed alongside it.  For months, reporters on the ground in Gaza – those who were not among the hundreds systematically targeted and killed – fought to pierce a wall of severe censorship and dehumanization.

In the West, corporate media tied itself in knots trying to sanitize language in order to obscure Israel’s direct responsibility for the ongoing violence.  Outlets downplayed Palestinian deaths by using passive language like “died” to treat mass casualties as collateral damage, all while elevating voices that defended the legitimacy of the war.

The public response, however, revealed a deeper fracture.  Millions marched in cities worldwide, launching one of the largest sustained anti-war mobilizations in a generation. Yet, the disconnect between the governed and the governing remained absolute. Western democracies proved entirely immune to the moral demands of their own citizens.

The silence of the last three years has been deafening. There was never any doubt about the genocide, nor a dearth of international laws to end it. Instead, the failure lies entirely with Western institutional gatekeepers who have lacked the courage to act.

Allowing genocide to go unpunished creates a dangerous precedent for global security. If international law and justice are buried in the rubble of Gaza, the global community will ultimately be digging its own grave.

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Report: US Weighing Targeted Sanctions On Israel Over Settler Attacks In West Bank

The Trump administration is considering levying targeted sanctions against Israel over the rising phenomenon of attacks by armed settlers in the West Bank, reports Israeli progressive newspaper Haaretz.

According to that report, Senior US officials, including those in the president’s circle, have in recent months been receiving a unconventional and unusually harsh brief regarding Israel’s defense establishment. It does not merely repeat, day in and day out, the often-rehearsed mantra of “concern” over rising violence, nor does it limit itself to seriously worded official memoranda. Rather, those who are following the issue closely have come to the conclusion that there is a real possibility that either Israeli officials have a hand in the attacks or that they are failing in their duty to prevent them from taking place.

A number of steps are reportedly under consideration, including restrictions on IDF forces that are accused of causing severe harm to Palestinians, and possible restrictions on the use of US-made weapons by certain forces or in certain regions. There is even talk of blacklisting Israeli army officers and police officials suspected of allowing attacks by settlers to take place. The contemplated measures are, at this point, being held in abeyance pending the conduct of elections in both Israel and the US, Haaretz’s sources noted.

The report did not emanate from the White House nor from the Israeli government. Rather, it appeared in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, which attributed the account to “sources” who were not identified by name. Months of US frustration with settler violence have apparently been building to this.

In August, the White House concluded that Israel was not taking settler attacks seriously enough, after a group of armed settlers laid a six-month siege on homes on the outskirts of the northern West Bank village of Qusra. One of the homes under siege belonged to the relatives of a US citizen, and Ambassador Mike Huckabee, a supporter of the settlement movement, this week called the individuals involved in the attacks “Israeli terrorists.”

The US embassy here pressed the Israeli government for arrests and prosecutions of those involved, rather than mere statements of condemnation of the violence. The Trump administration has generally taken a hands-off approach to the settlement issue, choosing not to criticize the Israelis over the matter, cancelling sanctions that were placed on individuals involved in violence against Palestinians on his first day back in office after the Biden transition.

Despite the Trump administration’s hands-off approach to the issue, however, reported violence by armed settlers in the West Bank has continued to escalate in recent months, with the conflict monitor ACLED reporting that 2026 is on track to become the most violent year for incidents of settler-related violence since it first began to monitor the West Bank a decade ago.

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Border Agents Are Randomly Seizing Phones of US Citizens Who Support Palestine

Florida lawyer Jalal Shehadeh is convinced that the warrantless seizure of his cell phone by federal agents at the Newark International Airport after he returned from Palestine this September was not random.

Shehadeh, a Miami-based attorney and Palestinian rights advocate, was held for several hours for a secondary inspection and had his phone seized by U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) after he refused to allow federal agents to search it.

“It’s just a wildly invasive thing to do to somebody with no individualized justifiable basis to do it,” Shehadeh told Truthout.

He suspects federal authorities targeted him for his activism. The lawyer is involved in a legal complaint against a federal judge in Florida over the judge’s anti-Palestinian statements.

Shehadeh is one of several Palestinian rights advocates who have been detained and had their personal devices searched by CBP while returning to the U.S. from international travel since the start of Israel’s war on Gaza in October 2023.

Other similar cases include Amir Makled, a lawyer from the Detroit area who was representing University of Michigan students involved in pro-Palestine activism, journalist Max Blumenthal, and Osama Abu Irshaid, the executive director of American Muslims for Palestine (AMP).

Jenin Younes, president of the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC), which filed a legal motion earlier this week demanding the return of Shehadeh’s phone, said CBP appears to be escalating phone searches against opponents of President Donald Trump’s agenda.

“Common sense tells us that they are targeting people who have pro-Palestine views,” Younes told Truthout.

She stressed that the searches are illegal. The Fourth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution protects “persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures.”

Younes said the “border exception” that allows searches to ensure that no illegal items are brought into the country should not apply to phones.

Younes, a civil liberties attorney, said the authors of the Constitution would have certainly opposed giving the government blanket authority to search people’s phones without cause.

“Law enforcement can search shipping vessels coming into the Boston harbor to make sure that they don’t have contraband. That’s a totally different thing from searching the contents of people’s smartphones,” she said. “I don’t think the framers would have thought that you could read the papers of somebody coming into the country in their suitcase, and likewise, a smartphone, which has so much more personal information.”

The case of Shehadeh and other Palestinian rights supporters targeted for searches at the border has reignited the debate over the application of constitutional protections at ports of entry.

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The Usefulness of a Massacre

On Sunday morning, without notice, a private plane carried Benjamin Netanyahu out of Israel and into Abu Dhabi. Channel 12 broke the story while he was still on the ground. A day later both governments confirmed the meeting with Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, calling it a conversation about bilateral relations. The Israeli account gave the errand away. Netanyahu had gone to ask the Emirati president to deny publicly a report that he had telephoned Netanyahu days before 7 October 2023 to warn that Hamas was preparing a major assault.

A prime minister who wanted the record corrected would send a lawyer or a spokesman. This one flew across the Gulf in secret, a month before an election, to ask a foreign head of state to say a warning never happened. The method is the tell, and it points at everything the errand is meant to protect.

What October 7 opened is visible on the ground before it is visible anywhere else. By the reckoning of an Israeli newspaper, Israel has seized more territory from its neighbors since that day than in any comparable span in decades. The war did not stay in Gaza. It moved outward on every front where a border could be pushed.

In Gaza the army holds more than half the territory after the autumn ceasefire, and the plan for what remains was drawn up in Washington. A proposal built around Donald Trump would place the enclave under American trusteeship for at least a decade and rebuild it as a coastal resort on cleared land. Netanyahu’s cabinet approved the voluntary transfer of Gazans to third countries, and his defense minister ordered the army to prepare for a mass departure. A UN commission gave the campaign its legal name last September, finding that Israel had committed genocide and that its object was permanent control of Gaza and a Jewish majority across the land it holds. Israel rejects the finding. The International Criminal Court has issued an arrest warrant for Netanyahu over the conduct of the war, which his office calls false.

The other fronts complete the picture. In the West Bank the finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, pushed through the E1 settlement, some 3,401 homes on the corridor that severs the territory, and said its approval buries any Palestinian state. His cabinet colleagues inaugurated two new settlements last week, and Smotrich has demanded the army wage in the West Bank what it waged in Gaza. In Lebanon the military sits on some 234 square miles of the south. In Syria, after the fall of Assad, it crossed the old disengagement line into the UN buffer zone and dug into nine positions, including the peak of Mount Hermon. The war opened on Iran this year runs on the same logic. The Atlantic Council, no enemy of Israel, describes an emergency response to October that has hardened into a permanent doctrine of forward defense. None of this was concealed as intent. Handed a map of the promised land on live television last August, Netanyahu said he felt very attached to the idea of a Greater Israel reaching into Jordan, Egypt, Syria and Lebanon.

A war that produces this much cannot be allowed to end, and it has not been. When the fighting began, the expectation across Israel was that it would close within months, the coalition would fracture, and Netanyahu would answer for the worst security failure in the country’s history. A New York Times investigation later set out how the opposite came to pass. He stretched the fighting past the point his own commanders judged necessary and added war aims as ceasefire talks matured. In April 2024 a six-week truce that would have freed more than thirty hostages reached the edge of a cabinet vote, and Smotrich ended it with a line, warning Netanyahu that if the deal passed, you no longer have a government. In March 2025 Israel broke a standing ceasefire, which brought the departed Itamar Ben-Gvir back into the coalition. The hostages were the cost, paid in installments.

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