Tag: corruption

Seventy-two bodies came out of the water at Tarajal, and the sea kept giving some of them back through the weekend. They drowned in sight of Europe, in the fourteen-kilometer channel where the Mediterranean meets the Atlantic, reaching for a seven-square-mile scrap of Spain on the African shore. Most were young men. Some were children. They died over three days at the end of July, crushed against a breakwater barrier or pulled under while swimming around it, and within forty-eight hours of the last of them entering the water more than forty-eight thousand of the living had turned and walked back into Morocco.

Between fifty and sixty thousand people crossed into Ceuta in seventy-two hours. The enclave holds about ninety thousand. In three days its population rose by seventy percent and then drained away, a tide come in and gone out on command. Spain’s prime minister called the crossing an attack and a violation of the country’s territorial integrity, and sent in the army.

Tides do not take instruction. States do. A crowd of sixty thousand does not gather the way weather gathers. It gathers because people are told where and when, because they travel, some of them from the far side of a country, because they arrive together, and because the security apparatus of one of the most heavily policed states in North Africa elects not to stop them. Each of those is a decision, and the decisions were Rabat’s to make.

The men who died did not come from the towns nearest the fence. They came from across Morocco, converging on Fnideq, the border town facing Ceuta, because the summons to gather there ran ahead of them across the social networks in the days before. Moroccan outlets described the convocation without embarrassment: an intense digital campaign calling young men to the border, Facebook groups passing along the swimming route around the barrier, people arriving from every part of the country within hours. None of it was concealed. In a state whose services read the networks as closely as any in the region, none of it went unseen.

The proof that this was a decision, and not a flood, lies eleven months back. In September 2024 the identical summons went out, the same calls, the same crowds, the same town, and Moroccan riot police dispersed them night after night until the attempt broke apart. The border held that year because Rabat had decided it would hold. The apparatus that closed it in 2024 did not evaporate before July 2026. It stood aside. At the fence last week, reporters from the Ceuta daily El Faro watched Moroccan soldiers wave the men through, and set down the obvious: a crossing on this scale was impossible unless the cordons let it happen. The Spanish police unions used a harder word than passivity. They called it blackmail, a pressure operation proper to a hybrid war.

Then the kingdom proved what it had chosen not to do. The moment Rabat judged the operation finished, it assembled overnight a fleet of buses and carried the crowds out of Fnideq to cities across the country, quickly and without incident. A government that can charter a bus fleet on a Friday night to empty a border town could have closed the road into it on the Wednesday. It did not close the road. The passivity was not weakness. It was the weapon.

The trucks belong in the record, and belong there carefully. Footage circulated of young men delivered toward the border in trucks while Moroccan agents looked on, and the footage became the crisis’s central image. Spain’s fact-checkers at Newtral could not geo-locate the main unloading clip to Ceuta and found AI-forged fakes moving in the same stream, while Moroccan state media labored to recast the same footage as an interception rather than a release. The clips are contested, and the contest is the evidence. Organized transport was filmed in the presence of the security forces, and a state apparatus moved in real time to govern how that transport was seen. The logistics and the management of the image ran on one clock. That is the signature of an operation, not a stampede.

The method had been set down in advance, in Washington, in the spring. On the twelfth of March, Michael Rubin, senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, former Pentagon official, called on Donald Trump and Marco Rubio, through the Middle East Forum, to recognize Ceuta and Melilla as occupied Moroccan territory. Spain, he wrote, “remains a colonial power, running colonies across the Strait of Gibraltar on the northern coast of Morocco.” The grievance he named was not colonial injustice. It was that Sánchez had just recalled Spain’s ambassador from Israel and kept silent on Iran. Recognition would right a historical wrong, Rubin argued, on the model of Trump’s first-term recognition of Moroccan sovereignty over the Western Sahara, the transaction that bought Rabat’s signature on the Abraham Accords. The enclaves were the nearest lever, and he pulled it.

Four days on, he turned from Washington to Rabat. Morocco should gather, he wrote, send bulldozers to the border, and enter the two enclaves unarmed to raise the flag, the 1975 Green March run a second time, when Hassan II walked 350,000 civilians into the Spanish Sahara. And he answered the one objection that matters before anyone could raise it. An assault on the enclaves would not summon NATO, because Article 6 of the alliance treaty excludes territory south of the Tropic of Cancer. “Neither Ceuta, Melilla, nor the Canary Islands would trigger a NATO response,” he wrote, “just as NATO would not need respond to an attack on Hawaii or Puerto Rico.” A former Pentagon man had put the method on the page, unarmed masses moving on the fences, and priced the alliance’s silence into it beforehand. That is not opinion. It is a man who has thought through the morning after and wants it known the matter is in hand.

Keep reading