How Much U.S. Has Given Israel and How Much U.S. Military Has Spent to Protect It, Since the Gaza War Began

Since the Gaza war began on October 7, 2023, the United States has poured massive financial and military support into Israel, marking one of the largest aid efforts in modern U.S. history. According to recent studies, Washington has provided an estimated $21.7 billion in military assistance to Israel over the past two years — about $17.9 billion during the first year of fighting and roughly $3.8 billion in the following months. These figures represent a combination of direct arms transfersfinancial aid, and replenishment of Israel’s missile defense systems such as Iron Dome and David’s Sling.

Much of this funding came from emergency appropriations and presidential drawdowns, which allowed the U.S. to deliver weapons and ammunition directly from its own stockpiles without waiting for new contracts to be approved. Within weeks of the October 2023 attacks, U.S. aircraft were flying shipments of artillery shellsprecision-guided bombs, and interceptors to Israeli bases. Congress later formalized these actions through a $14.1 billion supplemental package in early 2024 that reimbursed the Pentagon and expanded Israel’s access to advanced defense systems. In early 2025, the U.S. approved another $8 billion in arms sales, ensuring a steady flow of weaponry in the years ahead.

But beyond financial aid, the U.S. has spent billions more on its own military operations in the Middle East to shield Israel from regional threats. Analysts at Brown University’s Costs of War project estimate that between October 2023 and September 2025, American military operations related to the Gaza war cost between $9.6 and $12 billion. These expenses cover the deployment of aircraft carriersfighter jetsmissile-defense batteries, and surveillance assets in the eastern Mediterranean and Red Sea. The U.S. Navy maintained carrier strike groups, such as the USS Gerald R. Ford and USS Dwight D. Eisenhower, near Israel’s coast for months, acting as a visible deterrent to Iran-backed militias and providing rapid-response capabilities if the conflict spread.

American forces also launched limited air and missile strikes on groups like the Houthis in Yemen, who had been targeting Red Sea shipping routes in protest of the Gaza war. These actions, while not directly part of Israel’s operations, were considered essential to protect Israel and maintain regional stability, according to U.S. defense officials. Together with increased patrolsintelligence flights, and logistics costs, they formed a significant share of Washington’s wartime spending.

The overall U.S. investment — both in aid to Israel and in its own regional missions — now totals between $30 billion and $35 billion since the start of the conflict. This figure represents not only direct support for Israel’s military campaign but also the cost of sustaining America’s wider strategic presence in the Middle East. Officials argue that such support is necessary to deter Iran and maintain the balance of power, while critics point out that it deepens U.S. involvement in a war that has caused widespread civilian suffering in Gaza and strained Washington’s global image.

Even as the fighting enters its third year, shipments of U.S. arms and funds continue, and naval assets remain stationed near the conflict zone. The financial and operational commitment underscores the depth of Washington’s alliance with Israel — one that now extends far beyond arms sales, involving continuous military engagementstrategic cover, and billions in taxpayer dollars to sustain a war that shows few signs of ending soon.

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In defiance of voter base, DNC rejects resolution calling for Israel arms embargo

On Tuesday, Democratic National Committee (DNC) members at the party’s summer meetings rejected Resolution 18, which called for the recognition of a Palestinian state, a ceasefire in Gaza, an arms embargo, and a suspension of military aid to Israel.

Instead, members backed a status quo resolution introduced by DNC Chair Ken Martin, which simply called for more aid to be allowed into Gaza and a two-state solution. Despite the support, Martin went on to withdraw the resolution.

“I know that there are some who are interested in making changes today, but as we’ve seen, there’s divide in our party on this issue,” said Martin. “This is a moment that calls for shared dialog. It calls for shared advocacy, and that’s why I’ve decided today, at this moment, listening to the testimony and listening to people in our party, to withdraw my amendment and resolution.”

Martin says he will establish a task force “comprised of stakeholders on all sides of this” so that they can “bring solutions back to our party.”

Resolution 18 had faced opposition from lobby groups like Democratic Majority for Israel (DMFI).

“Should it advance, it will further divide our Party, provide a gift to Republicans, and send a signal that will embolden Israel’s adversaries,” claimed DMFI president and CEO Brian Romick. “As we get closer to the midterms, Democrats need to be united, not continuing intra-party fights that don’t get us closer to taking back Congress.”

Polling has consistently shown that Democratic voters are, in fact, united on Israel. A majority of them oppose the genocide in Gaza and want the Israeli government held accountable for its actions in the region.

This month, YouGov and The Economist published a poll showing that 69% of Democrats believe Israel is committing genocide in Gaza. That includes 77% of Kamala Harris voters.

According to a June Quinnipiac survey, 12% of Democratic voters sympathize more with Israelis than Palestinians, while a July Gallup poll found that just 8% of Democratic voters support Israel’s military actions in Gaza and only 9% support Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

An April poll from Data for Progress and Zeteo showed that 71% of likely Democratic primary voters think the United States should end arms transfers to Israel until it stops its attacks on civilians and supports the rights of the Palestinians.

80% of likely Democratic primary voters under the age of 45 believe that military assistance to Israel should be restricted.

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