With the fall of Syria came the reshaping of the Resistance Axis, weakened by the loss of the central hub linking the regional state and non-state actors, and providing the land bridge that connected Iran to Palestine. Syria was historically instrumental in the manufacture and development of the weapons being used by the Palestinian and Lebanese Resistance factions against Israel.
This is an update on the current state of affairs in the region, focusing on Lebanon and Syria since the ‘ceasefire’ between the US, Israel, and Iran. It is a ceasefire designed to enable Israel to replenish air defence interceptor supplies and to prepare for the next stage of the long war against Iran. As with the ceasefire between Iran and Hezbollah that came into effect on 27 November 2024, we saw a US/Israel pivot to Syria and the fall of the Syrian Government within ten days, leading to an Al Qaeda Junta controlling Syria and acting as a de facto Zionist alliance proxy in the region.
Lebanon
Trump’s inexperienced, economic hit-man, and envoy to the Middle East (West Asia) is Thomas Barrack. In recent weeks, Barrack has been pushing the Lebanese Government for the full disarmament of Hezbollah, contrary to UN resolution 1701, which specifies the withdrawal of Hezbollah to the north of the Litani River. Both the US and Trump’s advisors know that this is an unrealistic demand, as Hezbollah will never agree to disarm while Israel is on their borders and occupying land in southern Lebanon.
Barrack is demanding that the disarmament comes into effect within four months, which is also unrealistic. In the 1980s, after the Lebanese Civil War, the Zionist-aligned Lebanese Forces were disarmed, which at the time represented less than 10% of Hezbollah’s capabilities. This process took two or three years.
Proposing the disarmament of Hezbollah is a similar tactic to demanding Iran abandons its nuclear energy development or its defensive missile program. The Zionist bloc know it will not be adopted. For Israel, the goal is to weaken the Resistance in Lebanon and Iraq in the interim period before a resurgence of aggression against Iran. The preferred option in Lebanon is to manufacture a civil war which will occupy Hezbollah internally, reducing their ability to react to Israeli aggression, in theory. However, this is a miscalculation on the part of the Zionist bloc.
Barrack is insistent upon the Hezbollah disarmament, but he is not applying the same pressure on Israel to withdraw from southern Lebanon, or to stop its daily bombing raids and drone assassinations across Lebanon.
Hezbollah has demonstrated its ability to withstand and prevent any serious ground invasion by the Zionist forces, while the Lebanese Army (LAF) has been unable to prevent further Zionist incursions since the ceasefire. This is largely because the US, the chief sponsor of the LAF, has ensured that the LAF are not equipped with air defence capabilities or the ground superiority necessary to be able to defend the country against the asymmetric force of the US-empowered Zionist military. They are restricted to ‘reporting’ the daily Zionist violations and regular assassinations of Lebanese civilians on the basis that they are ‘Hezbollah’.